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PUBLISHING CO. 
BUILDINQ, ST. LOUIS, MO. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 



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Shelf 




UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



ECHOES 



OF THE 



D 



EMOCRATIC rARTY, 



A DISCUSSION 

OF THE party's POSITION ON 

GOVERNMENTAL POLICY. 



By W. K. HBSS, 

Pearl, III. 



7 "^^7 



Price, Twenty^Kive Cents. 



Sold by MONITOR PUBLISHING CO. 

BOOH 506, FAQm BUILSIKO, ST. LOUIS, MO. 



\ - 






■■«■ 






COPYRIGHT, 1891, 

BY 

W. F- HESS. 



^ 



PREFACE. 



The letters which appear as correspondence called for this 
publication. The author was surprised that persons, elected to 
the legislatures would make such declarations as the second 
letter of the gentleman's contains. One would suppose that 
men of this standing should at least possess intelligence enough 
to show that he thoroughly understands the position of his 
political party. If man is conscientious in his convictions pf 
governmental policy (and wrong) he is partly justified in his 
position, but to make such declarations as are contained in the 
second letter written to the author, is in the face of facts an 
utter disregard of truth or exhibition of ignorance of the 
dangerous type. 

Being surrounded with obstacles and daily toil in the district 
school, our attention could not be steadily applied to the objects 
of this work, and was only accomplished by burning mid oil, 
and if its pages lightens the burdens of toil or give rest to the 
weary tramp, or tend to correct one single evil of society, we 
will feel amply repaid. 

W. F. HESS. 

Pearl, III., Feb. 22, 1891. 



J. M. HAMBAUGH'S FIRST LETTER AND 
CIRCULAR. 

Springfield, III., Jan. 19, 189L 
Dear Sir: There will be an effort on the part of Chicago 
to secure a liberal and expensive appropriation from the legis- 
lature for the Columbian Exposition, I understand they have 
already a location in view, for the State exhibit, embracing 
near eight acres in area, and their diagrams and plans laid out 
will necessitate an appropriation of from $750,000 to $1,000,000, 
and in view of the fact that large appropriations will be neces- 
sary to increase the capacity of our penitentiaries, insane and 
other charitable institutions, what would be the limit of your 
vote in the way of an appropriation to the State exhibit at the 
Columbian Exposition at Chicago in 1893. Please answer at 

once. 

Respectfully, 



House of Representatives. 



J. M. IIambaugh, 

Springfield, 111. 



Springs, Brown County, III., Jan. 25, 1891. 
(Vm. F. Hess: 

Dear Sir : Will you please bring this matter before the 
Alliance at your earliest meeting. Take a secret ballot and 
send me the result. I am a member of the organization. 

Most respectfully, 

J. M. Hambaugh. 
p, S. — Direct as per circular. 



6 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

W. F. HESS' FIRST LETTER. 

Pearl, III., Jan. 26, 1891. 
Mr. J. M. Hainbaugh, Springfield., III.: 

Dear Sir and Bro. : — Your letter and circular received, and 
it shall receive our attention at the earliest possible moment. 

I was not aware that you was a member of the F. A. and I. 
C. until now, and yet I am puzzled to know how you can be a 
reformer, such as is expected of an Alliance man, and vote for 
Palmer or Oglesby, when a thorough reformer and an Alliance 
man is offered for the place. It would make no difference with 
me about past party affiliations, when a chance is presented to 
vote for a person who is strictly identified with the industrial 
millions. The time has come when old fogies must stand aside 
and let men of progressive ideas legislate for the debt-ridden 
people. Both Palmer and Oglesby are in favor of National 
Banks and a specie basis system ; both systems hurtful to man 
and an enemy to God. You and I, as Alliance men, are strictly 
opposed to both. Again, we favor a strict control of the trans- 
portation lines, and telegraph as well, while they do not. In 
fact, all Alliance men hold views financially opposite to them. 
If they have any reform ideas they fail to put them forth. 

Mr. Palmer's idea, and singly at that, is electing Senators by 
a direct vote of the people, which is right, but he never seen 
that until it was promulgated by the union labor platform. If 
we Alliance men are not going to use our influence and position 
to further the cause, what is the use of " organization.?" We 
should rise above party lines and vote to sustain principles, in- 
stead of or for the success of partisanship. Is all the relief in 
this fight to come from our sister organization, the F. M. B. A. } 
Are our men going to bow to party caucus and let them rear 
their heads and receive the praise of the only true reformers ? I 
say, never. I am of the opinion, and you are, that enough 
legislation is and has been done by lawyers and bankers. We 
Alliance men believe that farmers are better acquainted with 
the wants than those who live amid palaces. You have a 
chance to be of use to the people, who are more to be relied 
upon than party caucus. The Illinois Legislature of '93 will 
be filled with men who will believe and defend the Alliance 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 7 

principles. Can we not expect you to give your support to some 
person who believes in our Alliance demands ? I beg of you to 
accept this in the kindliest of feelings, and, with brotherly con- 
sideration, write me your opinion. 

Fraternally yours, 

W. F. Hess, 
President Pike County Alliance. 



J. M. HAMBAUGH'S SECOND LETTER. 

Springfield, III., Feb. 2, 1891. 
Bro. Hess : — Yours of January 26 at hand, and as I have 
nothing to conceal, I have concluded to answer it through the 
old reliable Pike County Democrat^ and in so doing, would 
first ask you to examine the resolutions adopted by the National 
Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union Convention, held at 
Ocala, Florida, and point out to me wherein they differ from 
the Democratic platform and doctrines, as promulgated by the 
Democratic party throughout the Union, upon which issues we 
achieved the glorious victory of last November, by which, like a 
veritable cyclone, the Republican party was swept from power, 
and consternation and confusion thrown into the ranks of the 
monied corporations and plutocrats of the East. Please next 
inform me wherein the Alliance, as an organization, is in any 
way connected with this third party movement, and from w^hence 
does your authority eminate to solicit my co-opei-ation in be- 
half of Mr. Streeter. I have been instructed by Alliance offi- 
cials that the organization does not favor a third party move- 
ment, and one of the State officials informs me that Mr. Streeter 
was not brought out at the solicitation or sanction of the Alli- 
ance, and the F. M. B. A.'s are solely responsible for his can- 
didacy and position before the people, and that they must fight 
it out alone. I am really sorry that you allow your judgment to 
become so warped as to be "puzzled how I can vote for 
Palmer." Probably you are not aware that I was elected upon 
the Democratic ticket, with Gen. Palmer at the head — a states- 
man who received a popular plurality of over 31,000 of the 
votes of the State of Illinois, and while I have endorsed him 



8 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

and his measures, and acknowledged him as our Jeffersonian 
leader, the people have spoken in unmistakable tones in his be- 
half ; and rest assured that, as true and faithful sei-vants of the 
popular majority of 31,000 voters, " we will fight it out on that 
line if it takes all summer." You say, "you have a chance to 
be of use to the people." Very good; am I not fulfilling my 
trust and the will of the people by voting for Palmer, when the 
voice of over 300,000 has spoken, and who " are more to be re- 
lied upon than party caucus.''" 

" The Illinois Legislature of '93 will be filled with men who 
will defend the Alliance principles." Exactly; and they will 
be true Jeffersonian Palmer Democrats. When it comes to 
legislation " for the people," and especially that portion with 
which I have been closely affiliated, viz., the agricultural classes, 
I shall stand open to criticism, and ask you to watch my record, 
and should I not act in accord with the interest of the masses it 
will be your privilege to cast the seal of condemnation upon me, 
but I hardly think you can afford to antagonize me on the frail 
grounds you have instituted. I shall vote for Palmer ad libitum 
ad infinitum. Most obediently, 

J. M. Hambaugh. 



W. F. HESS' SECOND LETTER. 

Pearl, Pike Co., III., Feb. 12, 1891. 
Mr. y. M. Hambaugh^ Springfield^ III. : 

Dear Sir and Bro. : Your answer, together with mine, to 
your first, appears in the Pike Coufity Democrat of Feb. 7th, 
and you state " you have nothing to conceal," and it is the same 
with us, and we have concluded to answer your requests pub- 
licly, as you seem to think all others but you are afraid of public 
opinion. Your first request is "to point out the difference 
between demands of the Alliance adopted at Ocala, Florida, 
and the Democratic platform and doctrines." Next, you ask 
wherein the Alliance is connected with a third party movement, 
and where my authority eminates to solicit your co-operation in 
behalf of Mr. Streeter. We said nothing about a third party 
movement, or man, and only asked you if we could not expect 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 9 

you to give your support to some person who believes in the 
Alliance demands. You said you would not, or virtually so by 
saying you would vote for Mr. Palmer. Yet you virtually 
admit that it is your duty to vote for an Alliance man by saying 
Mr. Streeter was brought out by the F. M. B. A., and not by 
the Alliance. Mr. Streeter was put in nomination by Mr. 
Cockerell, an Alliance man, and seconded by Mr. Moore. 
This action on their part seems to show that he is the candidate 
of one as much as the other. You seem to be unconscious of 
what is going on, as you say your information concerning 
Streeter's candidacy was received from one of the state officials. 
It is only reasonable to believe from your statement that you are 
looking after the success of partisanship, rather than after the 
principles of the Alliance, from the fact you did not know who 
was responsible for Mr. Streeter's candidacy until informed by 
a state official. Is it possible you sat in the house w^hen Mr. 
Cockerell put in nomination Mr. Streeter, and said, " I nomin- 
ate him as the Farmers' and Laborers' candidate," and you did 
not know it of your own knowledge. We hardly think so. 
The Democratic party has plenty of able men who believe and 
will defend the Alliance principles. Why not put one of them 
forward.? We venture to say if you did, the party you pro- 
fess to belong to would not follow you, and you would be 
hooted out of the party. I did not write you nor solicit you as 
one of authority, nor are you justifiable in putting any such con- 
struction upon the language used. You say, " you have been 
instructed that the Alliance does not favor a third party." Who 
said it did.? Who said that the Alliance was connected with 
the third party movement ? Your attempt to mislead the people 
in this manner will not find any friends in the Union. You 
evade the most important question we asked you in my letter 
of Jan, 26, The question is, " If the Alliance men are not 
going to use their influence and position to further the principles 
of the order, what is the use of organization.?" If the organ- 
ization is only to facilitate the buying cheaper and electing 
caucus tools to legislate for us, the organization had better dis- 
band. If any legislator is so weak that it takes a steering 
committee to tell him when and how to vote, would not a 
wooden man do just as well as a human being.? And if a 



10 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

Steering committee is going to do it all, the expense of our 
legislature would be greatly reduced if the members would 
return home, except the steering committee, who are the dicta- 
tors of the situation. You surely won't stay there all summer 
and let a steering committee dictate to you how to vote, even on 
a motion to adjourn? But you say " you will fight it out on 
this line if it takes all summer." A reasonable conclusion, 
then, to be drawn from the language is that the line marked out 
by the steering committee is the line on which the summer is to 
be spent. We are aware you was elected by the Democratic 
party. At the time you was nominated you was a member of 
the Alliance. Those nominating you knew you had declared 
yourself in favor of the Alliance principles. They also knew 
you would support the caucus nominee of the party, or rather 
the man who was then stumping the State for the Senatorship, 
on his one idea platform. If they had not known you would 
desert your avowed Alliance principles, they would not have 
mentioned you as an available man. You knew who the 
Democratic candidate would be, and so did they, and yet you 
accept a nomination and an election at the hands of a party that 
you would be required to desert Alliance principles to serve the 
party. If you have proved false to any principle it is the 
Alliance, because you was a member before you received your 
nomination. And you cannot vote both, for the principles are 
antagonistic, as we will show further on. You rely only on 
the Democratic success in this State for your action in voting 
for Mr. Palmer. This is an unsafe reliance, for it does not 
afford you a consistent avenue to escape. You was positive 
you would be elected, which was correct, but you did not know 
the Democratic party would carry the State, and if the party 
had not carried the State that would not have defeated you, yet 
you would have been for Mr. Palmer just the same. If you 
contend that the party's majority for State otlicials should con- 
trol the Senatorship in the event the State had gone in favor of 
the Republican party, you to maintain consistency would then 
be required to vote for Mr. Oglesby. You certainly would 
have been for Mr. Palmer, no difference what party had carried 
the State, and the rule was during Republican success for each 
party to put up a candidate for Senator. At the last election a 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 11 

decrease in the number of voters shown was over one hundred 
thousand, and if they had all voted the Republican ticket you 
would have voted for Palmer for U. S. Senator. 

We are not personally acquainted with him, yet we believe 
he is an honest man, as his record has not, to our limited knowl- 
edge, been questioned. In 1868 he was elected Governor of 
this State, on the Republican ticket. He was then opposed to 
the Democratic party and its platform. In that year the Demo- 
cratic platform declares : "3. Payment of the public debt as 
rapidly as practicable ; all money drawn from the people 
by taxation, except so much as is i-equisite for the necessities of 
the government, economically administered, being honestly ap- 
plied to such payment; and when the obligations of the govern- 
ment do not expressly state upon their face, or the law under 
which they were issued does not provide that they shall be paid 
in coin, they ought in right and justice to be paid in lawful 
money of the United States. 4. Equal taxation of every species 
of property according to its real value, including government 
bonds and other securities. 5. One currency for the govern- 
ment and the people, the pensioner and the soldier, the pro- 
ducer and the bondholder." 

The Republicans were then opposed to each and every one of 
the planks quoted, and so was Mr. Palmer, for the reason that 
it is Jeffei'son Democracy, exactly where the Alliance stands to- 
day; and instead of Mr. Palmer changing his financial views, 
the entire Democratic party went over to him, and, for the 
proof, we submit the Democratic platform of 1860. It re-affirms 
the platform of 1856, and states: " Believing that Democratic 
principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied to the 
same subject matter^ we recommend, etc. * * * That the 
Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme 
Court of the United States on questions of Constitutional law." 

If the principles of Democracy are unchangeable, then the 
party left all principles and went over to Mr. Palmer, for he has 
not changed his views, nor will he endorse the planks in the 
above quotations, and he changed party name when the Demo- 
crats changed party principles. He says the Government has 
no constitutional power to issue a legal tender fafer dollar. 



12 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

Yet the Supreme Court decides that a legal tender paper 
dollar is in consonance with our Constitution (Sec. 12 Wallace, 
p. 567; also same reports, vol. 12, 548). The court has de- 
cided one way and Mr. Palmer decides the other, and by the 
party endorsing him, the party favors the reversal of those de- 
cisions which the party's platform said it would abide by in 
1860. 

The Democrats of Mr, Palmer's type assumed the name in 
1872, for. in that year the Liberal Republicans met in conven- 
tion in Cincinnati, and adopted a platform and nominated a 
Republican, Mr. Greeley, for President ; and on the 9th of July 
following, the Democratic convention met in Baltimore and 
adopted the Refttblican flatforjn and endorsed their candidate, 
Mr. Horace Greeley. Then it was that Jefferson Democrats 
ceased, under the principles, and Palmer-Cleveland Democrats 
born. But Jefferson principles lived under Peter Cooper, then 
as Greenbackers, now known as Alliance. 

Mr. Tilden wrote a letter to the Democratic convention at 
St. Louis, in 1876, instructing them "to make their platform 
as near like the Republicans as possible,", and then put Mr. 
Tilden up as a candidate for President. The truth is, that the 
principles (if it has any) is a bastard of the Republican party. 
We will prove before we close that the party has not one prin- 
ciple well defined in its platforms. Let us examine and find out 
what Jefferson Democracy means. We submit the record of 
the first platform made by the Democratic National Conven- 
tion, which convened in Baltimore, May 5, 1840. Aside from 
slavery, it says " that Congress has no power to charter a 
United States Bank ; that we believe such an institution of 
deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, and danger- 
ous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, 
and calculated to place the business of the country within the 
control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and 
will of the people." 

The 7th is in relation to State rights. 

"8. That the separation of the monies of the Government 
from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the 
funds of the Government and the rights of the people." 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 13 

The principles and tenets of the party, prior to that year, 
came from the messages and writings of such able men as Jef- 
ferson, Madison, Benton, Jackson, Calhoun and others, and 
adopted by a caucus of Congressmen. 

We quote' from Jefferson, on his financial views: 

" Treasury notes secured by pledges of the faith and credit 
of the Government, with or without interest, will make better 
currency than gold or silver." 

Mr. Palmer disputes this. 

Again, Jefferson says: "The only resource which the Gov- 
ernment could command with certainty, the States have unfor- 
tunately fooled away, nay, alienated, to swindlers and shavers, 
under the cover of private banks. Say, too, as an additional 
evil, that the disposable funds of individuals, that great amounts 
have thus been withdrawn from improvement and useful enter- 
prise, and employed in the useless, usurious and demoralizing 
practices of bank directors and their accomplices." Vol. 6, pp. 
40 and 41, Jefferson Works. 

Again (1813, Vol. 6, pp. 199 and 200): " Bank paper must 
be suppressed, and the circulating mediums must be restored to 
the nation, to whom it belongs. It is the only fund on which 
they can rely for loans ; it is the only resource which can never 
fail them, and it is an abundant one for every purpose. * * 
* * Whereas, the usurpation of that fund by bank paper, 
obliging them to borrow elsewhere at 7^ per cent., two dollars 
are required to re-imburse one. So that it is literally true that 
the toleration of banks of paper discount costs the United States 
one-half of their war taxes, or. in other words, doubles the ex- 
penses of every war." Mr. Palmer disputes this, because his 
democracy was born in 1872. 

Jackson said of the banks : /' It is a corrupt and abominable 
institution, buying up the press and interfering with elections;" 
and in his paper read to his Cabinet, Sept. 13, 1833, said, con- 
cerning the removal of public monies from the banks: "Its re- 
sponsibility had been assumed after the most mature delibera- 
tion and reflection, as necessary to preserve the morals of the 
people, the freedom of the press, and the purity of the election 
franchise." 



14 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

Mr. Palmer endorses Cleveland-Manning-Fairchilds' admin- 
istration, which was a continuation of the Republicans' deposit 
policy of about $131,000,000 of the people's money in the 
National Banks of the East. This does not accord with Jeffer- 
son Democracy. Mr. Palmer and the party disputes the consti- 
tutional power to issue a full legal tender paper dollar, and so 
does the present Chief Justice. This is not Jefferson Democracy 
according to Mr. John C. Calhoun. He was a Democrat, and 
he said: "I now undertake to affirm positively and without the 
least fear, that I can be answered what heretofore I have but 
suggested, that a paper issued by Government with the simple 
fromise to receive in all diies^ leaving its creditors to take it, or 
gold or silver, at their option, would, to the extent it would cir- 
culate, form a perfect paper circulation which could not be 
abused by the Government ; that it would be as steady and uni- 
form in value as the metals themselves. I will be able to prove 
that it is within the constitutional power of Congress to use 
such a paper in the management of its finances, according to 
the most rigid rules of construing the Constitution." 

The doctrines of these eminent men was the foundation for 
the quotation given as appears in the platform of 1860. The 
platforms of the party were all re-affirmed except the platform 
of 1868, which stands alone as the corner-stone to mark the 
time and place where the party left Jefferson-Jackson-Calhoun 
principles and went over to the mugwump convention in 1872, 
to beat the birth of the Cleveland-Palmer-Manning-Bayard bas- 
tard Democratic party, which could not afford to re-affirm the 
Democratic principles as promulgated in 1868. All Messrs. 
Palmer and Trumbull and other Republicans demanded of the 
Democrats in 1872 was to renounce the financial views of Jef- 
ferson Democracy, and declare themselves in favor of Hamil- 
ton's banking institutions and a centralization of wealth by law, 
and they left everything but the name. Democrat. 

We now submit the testimony of Madison, as appears in his 
message of Dec. 3, 1816 : 

" For the interest of the community at large, as well as for 
the purposes of the Treasury, it is essential that the Nation 
should possess a currency of equal value, credit and use wher- 
ever it may circulate. The Constitution has entrusted Congress 



ECHOES OF THE DBMOERATIC PARTY. 15 ' 

exclusively with the power of creating and regulating a currency 
of that description." 

These quotations ought to convince any imitation of a voter 
what Democratic principles were prior to 1872, and that Jeffer- 
son Democracy is not Cleveland Democracy. But we will pro- 
duce more testimony as recorded by Mr. Thomas Benton in 
1837, " The government ought not to delegate this power if it 
could. It was too great a powet to be trusted to any banking 
company whatever or to any but the highest and most responsi- 
ble government." 

This was in reference to the establishment of the bank, 
which Jackson was fighting against. Albert Gallatin, ex-Sec- 
retary of the Treasury and President of the Bank of North 
America in 1838, said : 

" The right of issuing paper as currency like that of gold 
and silver coin, belongs exclusively to the Nation, and cannot be 
claimed by any individual. ***** 

We all know that while a bank note bears upon its face a 
promise to pay the amount of its denomination in coin, it carries 
with it the implied conditions that it be not asked for." The 
fact is, prior to the war the brightest lights were against banks 
of issue and a specie basis, as the following citations will 
further show. President Harrison, 1840, said, " If there be one 
measure better calculated than another to produce that state of 
things so much deprecated by all true Republicans, by which 
the rich are daily adding to their hoards, and the poor sinking 
into penury, it is an exclusive metallic currency. If there is a 
process by which the character of the country for generosity and 
nobleness of feeling may be destroyed by the great increase and 
necessary toleration of usury, it is an exclusively metallic cur- 
rency." Clay said, " I concieve the establishment of this 
(United States) bank as dangerous to the safety and welfare of 
the republic." Randolph said, " Charter a bank with thirty- 
five million dollars, let it establish and learn its powers and 
then find, if you can, means to 'bell the cat.'" Many more 
such quotations can be made, but it is no use, for the foregoing 
is sufficient ; that Jefferson Democracy is not believed or prac- 
ticed by the Palmer-Cleveland-Bayard-Manning Democracy of 



16 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

to-day, nor has not been since 1868. We will now prove that 
this bastard Democratic party is in favor of 

1. The National Banking System. 

2. The depositing of government revenues in the banks. 

3. The retirement of the three hundred and forty-six mil- 
lion of legal tenders and converting them into bonds for the use 
of bankers, at not to exceed 2 1-2 per cent, interest, and to 
mature only on failure of the bank, if they never failed to draw 
interest to the end of time. 

4. That the party places the bank note above the silver dol- 
lar, silver certificate and greenback (people's money) as a 
sound currency. 

5. That the party holds that the people's money is lower in 
assured value than the National Bank note. 

6. That the party is not in favor of a legal tender paper dol- 
lar, but in favor of a specie basis system. 

In proof of the first proposition, we submit the following 
evidence: No Democratic platform has declared against it 
since 1868. 

The party put a banker, Wm. English, on the ticket for 
Vice-President in 1880. The Democratic members of Con- 
gress helped to re-charter the banks in 1883. 

The Secretary of the Treasury under Cleveland's adminis- 
tration favored their continuation. See Secretary's Report of 
1888, page 433, which says: 

" The present state of things seems favorable to the substi- 
tution of National Bank notes for greenbacks, and to tliat end 
I venture to submit for the consideration of Congress the fol- 
lowing: 

You will remember that the greenbacks, although crippled 
with tlic exception clause, saved our country, paid for the blood 
of the soldier, and plays redeemer for the National Bank note. 
Yet, for all this, the Democratic party says it's a weak and 
frail money. 

Measures: "1. Pounding in bonds the greenback debt of 
$346,681,016, or so much of it as may be presented at the 
Treasury within a limited period of time, say three years. 

2. The bonds to be issued only to National Banks present- 
ing greenbacks for that purpose, to bear a low rate of interest 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 17 

not exceeding 2 1-2 per cent., and to mature only upon the 
failure of the bank or upon its dissolution. ****** 

3. The bonds so issued to be avaihible only as a deposit to 
secure National Bank circulation, and to entitle the banks de- 
positing them to receive circulating notes to the amount of their 
face." * * * (The above is 10 per cent, better than the Re- 
publican party had done.) Cleveland, Fairchilds and the party 
are responsible for the recommendation, and so is the entire 
party, for they re-affirmed the platform of 1884 in 1888, at St. 
Louis, and indorsed Cleveland and his administration. 

4. Bayard is a leading Democrat. He said in his speech in 
New York City, 1880: " I have seen it charged that the Dem- 
ocratic party is a sure foe to the National Banks, but I am at a 
loss to know the authority for this. The platforms of the pai'ty 
contain no such suggestion and admit of no such construction, 
and is very certain of that, for the second place on our ticket, 
for that we have named Mr. \Vm. English, of Indiana, one of 
the ablest financiers and best business men in the whole coun- 
try whose management of the affairs of a National Bank, of 
which he was President, was conspicuous for success. (This 
bank cleared 100 per cent, per annum.) He is certainly good 
Democratic autl;ority, and he says the platform contains no 
suggestion and admits of no such construction. So this bastard 
Democracy is in favor of National Banks, and Jefferson (Alli- 
ance) Democracy is not. 

In proof of the second proposition, we submit a copy of Mr. 
Fairchilds' letter, issued by him while Secretary of the Treasury, 
under Mr. Cleveland. The letter is dated, Washington City, 
Oct. 8, 1887, and says: "To the Treasurer of the United 
States, Sir, The Western National Bank of New York City 
has been designated a United States depository and the security 
fixed for the present at $1,100,000 United States 4 per cent, 
bonds. In order to avoid the usual delay in obtaining a balance 
by accumulating revenue deposits, I will thank you when the 
bonds are received to cause to be transferred to said bank from 
National Bank depositories, other than those in New York City, 
such amounts as may be deposited therein to the credit of your 
general account in access of their authorized balances until the 
sum of $1,100,000 is reached. Which amou4it the Western 



18 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

National Bank will be authorized to hold as a fixed balance. 
Respectfully yours, C. S. Fairchilds, Sec'y." 

The farmers could not have mortgaged one hundred million 
acres of the best land in the United States and got the money 
from the same source. The above letter proves the second 
proposition, of giving or loaning the people's money to rich 
bankers to hold as a fixed balance. That means, they can con- 
sider that they can hold it and speculate on it and corrupt the 
morals of the people, the freedom of the press and the purity 
of election franchise. Jackson removed the deposits, he said, 
to preserve the morals of the people, etc. There is a wide dif- 
ference between Jackson Democracy and Palmer-Cleveland 
Democracy. 

In proof of the third proposition, we refer you to the report 
of the Secretary, Mr. Fairchilds, 1888, on page 433, as above 
quoted. In proof of our fourth proposition as to what the 
Democratic party thought of greenbacks and National Bank 
notes, the same report and page, the Secretary says: "The 
$346,000,000 of greenbacks are the weak point in our currency 
system. The gold coins and certificates stand first, the National 
Bank notes next, the silver coins and certificates third, the green- 
backs last in the order of assured value, and it would be a great 
benefit to the whole mass of the currency if this, its frailest 
element, could be eliminated from it." And then proceeds on 
the funding scheme as given above, explaining how to get them 
out of the way and make room for more bonds and bank notes. 
Contrast this with what Jefferson, Calhoun, and others said. 
And yet your Democratic party endorsed Cleveland and his 
policy in convention in 1888. Same proof answer for the fifth 
proposition. In proof of the sixth proposition we quote from 
your party platform of 1880. The third plank says : " Home 
rule, honest money, consisting of gold and silver and paper 
convertible into coin on demand." The convertible paper is 
all a specie basis could ever mean and this convertible paper is 
to be National Bank notes, which carries an implied promise 
that the coin will not be asked for. If it was always to be 
asked for no bank could long stand the conversion. No 
wonder Bayard admitted that the party favored National Banks. 
This is what the party meant by sound currency in its platform 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 19 

of 1872, and re-affirmed up to 1888. The facts show that the 
Palmer-Cleveland-Bayard-Manning-Fairchilds bastard Democ- 
racy is identical with the Republican party on the financial 
question, the greatest question of questions. 

In the first platform adopted by the bastard Democracy in 
1872 we find it says, in the fifth plank: "To this end it is 
imperatively demanded that no President shall become a candi- 
date for re-election." This was re-affirmed in all of the con- 
ventions and also in 1888, and then nominate Cleveland for 
re-election. And Cleveland said, " No President should be 
re-elected." So the party states one principle in the platform 
and violates it in making the nomination in the same conven- 
tion. The fact is the party will do anything in the line of 
promises to get ofiice, and is manipulated by men who are 
identified with all forms of monopolies. We have discovered 
no Jefferson Democracy in it so far. The platform of 1888 
says: " Chief among its principles of party faith are the main- 
tainance of an indissoluable union of free and independent 
States." It seems the chief of its principles it got from Gen- 
eral Palmer, under his teachings during the war. It took him 
and other Republicans now in Democratic ranks, about five 
years to convince the party that this principle was correct. 
The Democratic States were not only brought back into the 
Union, but on the ruins of shattered Democracy he and others 
constructed this bastard Democratic party, no doubt for the 
purpose of riding into office, as the Democratic party here in 
Illinois are prone to run for office men who are relics of Repub- 
licanism, and hope thereby to catch Republican votes, simply 
because Mr. Palmer or Trumbull have been Republicans. And 
the Democratic member of the Illinois Legislature are doino- 
for Palmer what he himself condemns. We quote from his 
speech delivered at Sycamore, 111. : " The man who will allow 
anybody to think for him, to vote for him, any man who will 
follow his prejudices and disregard the dictation of his judg- 
ment, at the behest of politicians or party, is simply failing in 
his duty as a good citizen." (^SL Louis J^epud/tc, Sept. 12, 
1888, daily). He condemns each of you who are trying to 
elect him. In the same speech he says, " I am a Democrat and 
a firm adherent of its principles and a great admirer of Presi- 



20 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

dent Cleveland, whom I regard as one of the greatest men of 
the age." He endorses Cleveland's administration of finance, 
banks, bonds, taxation, anti-silver, anti-pension, deposit of 
public money iia banks, eviction of the homesteaders in Iowa by 
tools of railroad companies, etc. If Mr. Palmer esteems him 
one of the greatest men of the age he surely will not take excep- 
tion to his ofhcial acts. The only question likely to arise in the 
minds of the people in regard to the first quotation of Mr. 
Palmer is who is right about the steering committee, you or 
]Mr. Palmer.? If he is wrong the steering committee should put 
him right. It is useless to say Mr. Palmer closed the above 
speech referred to with a magnificent argument on the tariff. 
We will now prove that the campaigns fought on the platforms 
of 1872, 1876, 1880 and 1884 were on dead issues and dextrous 
evasions of living issues. And for the proof we submit an 
editorial which appeared in the Si. Louis 7?c^?^<5/?c (Democratic) 
of June 8, 1888, daily. The Democrats held the National 
Convention at St. Louis in 1888, so it got the opinion from the 
convention, says: "Of the platform put forth by the conven- 
tion for its candidate to stand upon it may fairly be said that it 
closes one political era and marks the opening of another, it 
closes the era of campaigns fought on the dead and buriecfissues 
of the times, and marks the opening of a new era in which the 
Democratic party at least goes to the people with a square and 
unqualified proclamation of the party creed and faith regarding 
the most momentious question that has confronted the country 
since the question arising out of slavery were settled by the 
arbitrament of the sword." 

Well, this is pretty hard to know that the first time that the 
bastard Democracy got squarely before the people on what it 
called a living issue ; it was sacrificed upon its record no doubt 
for misleading its members on dead issues and dextrously evad- 
ing living ones. He who deals in sham politics must suffer. 
We will now prove that for forty years prior to 1888 the issue 
for " tariff for revenue " against protection was not plainly pre- 
sented, but was considered a straddle and imique verbiage, and 
for the proof we quote from an editorial which aj^peared in the 
daily issue of the St. Louis Republic^ dated June 7, 1888. It 
says, under the caption of " Harmonized," " The Democratic 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 



21 



party and the country at large are to be congratulated upon 
the fact that the Committee on Platform and Resolutions has 
reached an agreement which is satisfactory to both the elements 
or factions represented in the Committee and that a report will 
be presented by Mr. Watterson this morning, that is likely to 
be adopted by the Convention without a dissenting vote. Sen- 
ator Gorman and his friends have carried their point in having 
the platform of 1884 re-afHrmed, and the tariff reformers have 
obtained all they wanted in securing the authoritative assertion 
that that platform is no longer to be regarded as a straddle, but 
is correctly interpreted by President Cleveland's message pro- 
nouncing squarely and unequivocally in favor of a reduction of 
the tariff duties. It is understood that both sides are contented 
with the concession made, though it looks very much like the 
tariff reformers had carried the day. Of course none of them 
entertains any desire to discredit the platform of 188J, or felt 
any real reluctance to re-affirm its statement of Democratic 
doctrine. The only dissatisfaction they have at any time felt 
with it was that it was .susceptible of being interpreted in a pro- 
tectionist sense, and as a matter of fact, was claimed by the 
protectionists Democrats as a protectionists document. To 
re-affirm it in the sense placed upon it by President Cleveland's 
message is equivalent t^ repudiating all that portion of it that 
can be looked upon as a straddle, and is tantamount to accept- 
ing President Cleveland's message as the platform of the 
Democratic party. 

And this is as it should be. It is the logical sequence of the 
unanimous nomination of Mr. Cleveland yesterday. The eter- 
nal fitness of things demanded that if President Cleveland was 
again to be the nominee of his party, he should be placed fairly 
and squarely upon the declaration of principles upon which, 
more than six months ago, he staked the issues of his nomina- 
tion and re-election. Again we say the committee, the party 
and the country are to be congratulated. For the first time in 
upwards oi forty years the issue of a tariff for revenue against 
a tariff for protection i.s plainly presented, without an)' verbiage 
that can be a straddle or a dodge. It \s fortunate that this con- 
summation most devoutly to be wished, has been reached with- 
out any unseemly wrangle in the convention. The opponents 



20 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

of reform desei-ve the thanks of the people for yielding grace- 
fully to the will of the people." 

The platform of 1888, as referred to above, was a compro- 
mise, and was dictated by Cleveland himself, as it has stated, 
and for that reason the committee "could not agree only on such 
as Mr. Cleveland dictated in his message only six months.before. 
A compromise only implies that both sides make a sacrifice, 
and it shows plainly the Democratic party is not together on 
the tariff, and it certainly does not leave your party with any 
one well-defined principle. It is not any wonder now that Mr. 
Morrison, a Democrat, could not get the horizontal bill of 20 per 
cent, reduction through the House of Congress with a majority 
of forty Democrats, because the SL Loziis Republic virtually 
says it was a meaningless platform. It does seem that a party 
ought to be able to define a principle in upwards of forty years. 
If you construe the platform of 1880 as a tariff for revenue plat- 
form, you are mistaken. 

We will now prove by Mr. R. Q. Mills that the message of 
Cleveland, upon which his platform of 1888 was constructed, 
gave the woollen manufactures more protection than the Re- 
publican tariff gave them, and would have lowered prices of 
wool. House Tariff Bill No. 9051, reported through Mr. Mills, 
chairman of Committee on Ways and Means, said in the re- 
port: " In response to the President's recommendations, beg 
leave to report to the House a bill to prevent the accumulation 
of surplus revenue, by reducing the present excessive and unjust 
rates of taxation imposed upon the people." Here is a virtual 
admission that if the Government was using all the revenue de- 
rived, that a reduction of the excessive and unjust rates of tariff 
would not be recommended, as in response to Cleveland's mes- 
sage. The reduction is not asked for the sake of reducing the 
" unjust and excessive" taxes, but to prevent a surplus and to 
reduce tariff rates meant to prevent a surplus. But it was the 
only way to hoodwink the people into making them believe that 
they would attack the Republicans' protection policy. Mills 
and Cleveland wanted to please both Eastern and Western 
Democrats. Mr. Mills says Cleveland called their attention 
only to the large surplus, and asked for its prevention. Cleve- 
land did not call their attention to the campaign cry of " pro- 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 91 

tection robbery," nor can any one find in his message or plat- 
form against protection, but, in fact, upholds it ; and to please 
the voters, they pretend to attack the protection policy under 
the guise to reduce the surplus. This is what the Republic 
meant by " dexterous evasions ;" and to prove the Democratic 
party is in favor of protection, see Mills' speech, July 21, 1888: 
" Now we come to wool and woollens. We found the duty on 
that schedule, under exiisting law, averaging $58.81, and we 
have left it at $38.69, a reduction of $20 on every $100 worth. 
This reduction seems large, but it was caused by eliminating 
wool from the calculation and putting it on the free list. The 
reduction on dutiable woollen goods amounts to $12,000,000. 
But the woollen manufacturer is not injured ; he is benefited. 
The woollen manufacturer, by the existing (Republican) law, 
gets compensation for the [Mr. Mills already begins to court 
favor from both sides by offering explanation of the large re- 
duction. Why, if he is honest with his voters, say it is simply 
robbery, unjust, to have so much protection on woollen goods 
and wools ; if the farmer can stand free wool, the manufacturers 
can stand free woollen gocMs] taxation on wool, and 35 per 
cent, protection for the manufactured product. By our bill we 
give him free wool and 40 per cent, protection on his manu- 
factured goods. Instead of being injured, he is positively bene- 
fited to the amount of $5 in the $100 more than he is by the 
existing law." 

If this means anything, it is just what he says, and if his bill 
gives $5 better protection to the woollen manufacturer, some 
one had to lose the $5 they gained by the bill, and your party 
claims " that the rate of tariff increases the price to the amount 
of the rate ;" and if it does, then by putting wool on the " free 
list" the price of wool went down accordingly, and the pro- 
ducer lost what Mr. Mills says they (the manufacturers) gained. 

We will now prove, further on, this, and connectedly, that 
the party appeared to want to please the manufacturers more 
than the producers. See report to accompany Bill, H. R. , 
9051, * * * " To tak#! the foreign market from the foreign 
manufacturer, we must produce our goods at a lower cost than 
he can. The principal elements of cost are labor and material. 
In many of our manufactures the labor cost is lower than in 



24. ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

any country in the world, and if the cost of material were as 
low here as in foreign countries, we could produce our goods 
more cheaply than they, and largely increase our exports to 
foreign markets." He pleads here for a scheme to cheapen 
materials, and by putting wool on the free list, and compel the 
American wool producer to sell his wool cheaper, in order that 
the manufacturer could have the entire benefit of " cheaj^ labor 
and material," and by being thus armed, our manufacturers 
could take the markets of the world away from the Euro^Dcan 
manufacturers, notwithstanding they have pauper labor and 
tenant farmers (wool producers). What! Is it possible that 
Palmer Democrats indorse the putting of " labor and materials" 
as low as in Europe? 

Mr. Mills tries hard to escape the conclusion, but it is irre- 
sistable, and then he denies that the tariff effects prices, for in his 
speech, July 21st, 1888, he says: "Everyone knows that the 
price of commodities in the market is fixed by the amount of 
money in actual circulation, and when the circulation is depleted 
prices fall, property shrinks in value, and loans and mortgages 
increase. The load grows heaviet on the back of the debtor, 
and his pathway grows darker and his struggle harder day by 
day. Those who have means and who have been excused from 
sharing with their fellow citizens the burdens of taxation, find 
their fortunes improved, while the less favored citizen, who 
must live by his daily toil, finds himself anxiously inquiring 
how he is to obtain employment and support for himself and 
those dependent on him. Depleting the channels of circulation 
necessarily arrests consumption. When ability to buy the 
things that want requires is decreasing, the demand for them 
will decrease in the same proportion, and when the demand 
decreases the production will correspondingly decrease, then 
employment is restricted, laborers are reduced or discharged, 
and suffering, distress and discontent are seen on every hand." 
This doctrine is endorsed by the best political economists of the 
country. If, then, the above is correct, all of his argument on 
the tariff controlling prices is false. , He, by his bill's applica- 
tion, expected that the pauperized consumers of Europe are 
getting sufficient wages to largely purchase our manufactured 
products at such prices as would justify the payment of good 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 25 

wages to the manufacturing laborers of this country. If this is 
not his theory 1 cannot correctly construe his committee's words 
on page 3 of the Report (accompanying the bill No. 9051) 
which states, " What we need is manufacturers enough to con- 
sume all the annual products of these materials (cotton, hemp, 
. flax, hides, ores and other materials of manufacture) and create 
an active demand for them so that all our workmen may be 
constantly employed and receive high f rices for their labors 
He is evidently going to '' create an active demand " for them 
by capturing the foreign markets of the world. And now, if 
the prices of raw materials can be reduced by this bill, he says 
the labor cost is lower here than in any other country in the 
world, the markets can be captured. If this capturing is done 
a greater portion of the laborers of foreign manufactures will be 
thrown out of employment and then their ability to buy our 
goods will be destroyed and then the foreign markets cease. 
But perhaps all of the slum's inmates, criminals, drunkards, 
paupers and others will come to protected America and go to 
work at good prices created by Mr. Mills' bill, and whether 
thev come or not he should tell us how to maintain good prices 
for the laborers engaged in producing the raw material of man- 
ufacture if the prices of the same are to go down, to capture the 
markets. This cheap labor and material is evidently what the 
Democratic party wants, and just what the farmers and laborers 
do not want, and are now, and have been kicking since 1873, and 
yet this theory of lowering and raising of prices of labor and 
raw materials and reducing tariff taxation and greater benefit to 
the woolen manufacture and preventing surplus is all boiled 
into four and six-tenths per cent., and the excess of surplus is 
on fifty million dollars, about seventy-five cents per capita. 
" This per cent, was just enough for the hypocrites to quarrel 
over all summer in order to keep laborers and the producers of 
raw materials divided. The only difference between the two 
great political parties (if there is any) is only slight, and party 
lines are destroyed in adjusting the tariff duties, provided the 
adjustment injures their vState's industries. Democrats and 
Republicans join to prevent any adjustment of the tariff when 
the industries of their vStates is affected by the adjustment. 



26 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

We will now give the difference in the per cents, made by the 
Mills' bill and the then existing Republican protection law. On 
schedule A, chemical products, 4^ per cent. ; on schedule 
B, earthen and glassware, 7y^^\ per cent. ; on schedule C, 
metals, 2^ per cent. ; on schedule D, wood and wooden- 
ware, -1^ of 1 per cent, (life almost extinct) ; on schedule E, 
sugar, lo-jSj^^ per cent, (patient revived) ; on schedule F, 
tobacco, (sinking close to free whisky license) ; on schedule 
G, provisions, ■^\ per cent, (patient got too much bad 
whisky) ; on schedule H, liquors, ; on schedule I, cotton and 
cotton goods, -^-Q of 1 per cent, (patient sinking) ; on sched- 
ule J, hemp, jute and flax goods, 6^-^\ per cent, (tempera- 
ture above normal of 4y|o' ^^^"^^ whisky will raise it) ; on sched- 
ule K, wool and woolens, 20^^% per cent, (patient will die 
fi-om effects of too much free license whisky) ; on schedule L, 
silk and silk goods, (doctors agree that death is sjure and near) ; 
on schedule M, books, papers, etc., ^-^ of 1 per cent; on sched- 
ule N, sundries, (patient dies). The old party doctors could 
not exactly tell what did kill and wipe out all principles be- 
tween the Democrats and Republicans, and after a few months 
of wrangling they agreed to submit to a cranky Prohibition doc- 
tor ; so the crank was called, and after looking up the records 
of death rate resulting from whisky, and the effects it had on 
political ethics, he said, judging from the manner of the patient 
(principle) at the time of and preceding death, and being 
treated in the manner that it was, death was caused by the fol- 
lowing recipe, prepared and dosed out by Drs. Mills (Demo- 
crat) and McKinley (Republican) : 

Prescription. 

Sec. 40. That all clauses of section thirty-two hundred and 
forty-four of Revised Statutes, and all laws amendatory thereof , 
and all other laws which impose any special taxes upon manu- 
facturers of stills, retail dealers in liquors and retail dealers in 
malt liquors, are hereby repealed. 

Tlie foregoing liquor license clause appears in the depths of 
the Mills' bill under the title, " To reduce taxation and simplify 
the laws in relation to the collection of the revenue." The 
Prohibition Dr. said the dose known as " repealed," was the 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 27 

main and deadly dose, and that death would not have occurred 
so soon but it was only a question of time anyway. Death, of 
course, occurred Nov. 1888, and the remains were buried in 
David B. Hill's cemetery near New York City, March 4th, 
1888. It is useless to say that Messrs. Cleveland, Thurman, 
Palmer and other bereaved relics (of the tussle) attended the 
funeral. Mr. David B. Hill, Democratic Governor of New 
York, Master of Ceremonies, ably assisted by President Ben* 
Harrison, pall bearers Messrs. Reed, Cannon, Blaine and 
McKinley, Mr. Ingalls, orator. This gentleman recently lost 
his speech, caused by swallowing an Alliance solution during 
an " irridescent dream." The Prohibition decision was 
violently disputed, and a jury of eminent logicians was called, 
and after scrutinizing closely, they decided deceased came to 
his death from the effects of a sunstroke received in a drunken 
revel during a hand scramble for ojice, and that it was not of 
or concerning the effects of any political principles of difference 
between deceased and his opponent, for there was none, and 
that such a death was yearly looked for, because Mr. Cleveland 
had said " that there was no political difference between them," 
and the jury justified themselves in their verdict, that a sun- 
stroke was received during a drunken revel in a hand scramble 
for office, and to justify themselves in their verdict they sub- 
mitted Mr. Cleveland's message of Dec. 6; 1887, which said, 
*' The question thus imperatively presented for solution should 
be approached in a spirit higher than partisanship, and con- 
sidered in the light of that regard for patriotic duty which should 
characterize the action of those entrusted with the weal of a 
confiding people. But the obligation to declared party policy 
and principle is not wanting to urge prompt and effective action. 
BOTH of the great political parties now represented in the 
government have by repeated and authoritative declarations 
condemned the condition of our laws, which permit the collec- 
tion from the people of unnecessary revenue, and have, in the 
most solemn manner, promised its correction ; and neither as 
citizens or partisans are our countrymen in a mood to condone 
the deliberate violation of the pledges." You cannot find a 
defined principle in the depths of Democratic platforms with a 
drag net. Why? Because this is the message that Mr. Cleve- 



28 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, 

land staked the issues of 1888, and the same was accepted as a 
"correct interpretation" of the platform of 1888. It is no 
wonder the protection element was " satisfied " with the plat- 
form of 1888. (vSee SL Loitis Republic^ June 7th, 1888, says 
underthe caption of " Harmonized," heretofore quoted.) The 
following quotation is from the same message, and is no doubt 
the paragraph the protection Democrats relied on when it was 
'accepted as the "correct interpretation" of the party's faith, 
and endorsed by the whole party. Same message again: "Our 
progress towards a wise conclusion will not be improved by 
dwelling' upon the theories of protection and free trade. This 
savors too much bandying epithets. It is a condition which 
confronts us- — not a theory. Relief from this condition may 
involve a slight reduction of the advantages which we award 
our home productions, but the entire ivithdrawal of such 
advantages should not be contemplated. The question of free 
trade is absolutely irrelevant ; and the persistent claim made in 
certain quarters that all efforts to relieve the people from unjust 
and unnecessary taxation are schemes of so-called free traders 
is mischievous and far removed from any consideration for the 
■public good.^' The slight reduction referred to was the 4-A- 
per cent, asked for by the Mills' bill, because the bill was 
reported in response to the President's message, and the " cor- 
rect interpretation '*' of the party's creed and faith, as announced 
by the Democratic party in St. Louis, 1888. (Don't forget 
this, we do not want to quote it any more.) Again, same 
message : 

" Nor can the presentation made of such considerations be, 
with any degree of fairness, regarded as evidence of unfriendli- 
ness toward our manufacturing interests, or of any lack of ap- 
preciation of their value and importance." 

We would like to know where the low-tariff Democrats can 
find any solace in any of Cleveland's messages or platforms. 
No man can find a word in the platform of 1888 that will admit 
of any reasonable construction as being opposed to the Repub- 
licans' protection policy. It is pretty hard for members of the 
Democratic party to vote the same ticket, and have no knowl- 
edge what each other's political faith or principles are. We 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 29 

know they have the same name, yet, are they related? is the 
question. 

The low-tarifi Democrats had the gall to snub and boo-hoo 
around at that funeral heretofore mentioned. They must have 
been hypocrites, or were bawling and snubbing over the thing 
they pretend to despise. You " mischievous free traders" had 
better be on the look-out, and have better sentinels than you 
had in 1872, when Palmer captured you, or Blaine will captiu'e 
you in 1892 with his reciprocity scheme, which is nearer abso- 
lute "free trade" than any other which has yet been an- 
nounced. But Mr. Cleveland says the talk of so-called "free 
trade is irrelevant and mischievous." He also says: "The de- 
struction of the advantages we award our home productions 
should not be contemplated." Why.? Because Mr. Cleveland 
says " it is far removed from anj' considerations for the public 
good." Then Democrats talk of a "tariff for revenue" as 
against a " tariff for protection," in the face of all the facts, is 
simply an exhibition of hypocrisy, or of downright ignorance. 
In his letter of acceptance, September 8, 1888, he says: "We 
have entered upon no crusade of free trade. The reform we 
seek to inaugurate is predicated upon the utmost care for our 
established industries (and infant industries as well) and enter- 
prises. » * * "\Ye jii-g dealing with no imaginary danger. 
Its existence has been repeatedly confessed by all jDolitical par- 
ties, and pledges of remedy have been made on all sides." 
This proves your party did not contemplate " free trade or reci- 
procity," but a tariff would be maintained by your party's re- 
form principle, " predicated upon the utmost care for the estab- 
lished industries," and the evil " has been confessed and 
pledges have been made by all on all sides." And yet they say 
there is a vast difference between the old parties. There is 
none, and if there was, it would only be A-^-^ per cent., because 
Mr. Cleveland only asked for a " slight reduction of advantage 
awarded home production." He positively admits the Repub- 
licans' protection is right and should not be withdrawn. 

You might say Mr. Cleveland did not answer the party cor- 
rectly. Well, let the St. Louis Republic say how Cleveland 
stood in his party. June 7, 1888 (daily issue), it says of him: 
"lie is President of the United States, the idol of his party, 



jSt 



30 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

and will lead it again to victory." Well, he was defeated, and 
I suppose the "protectionist Democrats" had yielded more in 
the "compromise platform" than they could cram down New 
York and Pennsylvania and other Democrats. The least that 
can be said of Mr. Cleveland in this connection is that he is the 
" idol of his party." 

The SL Louis Republic^ June 6th, 1888 (daily issue), in 
editorial, says, concerning the two elements on the Committee 
on Platform and Resolutions; "That scheme was disclosed 
several days ago and is still the rallying of the protectionists on 
the committee. It is to ' re-affirm ' or to ' endorse ' the plat- 
form of 1884 and to substitute this mea7iingless mummery for a 
definite utterance regarding the conviction and policy of the 
party in this year of grace. Such an evasion as this — such a 
pitiful confession of weakness and indecision — would actually 
be worse than a newly devised straddle, because the people 
thoroughly understand how that platform (1884) was con- 
structed and what it means and could in no wise be deceived 
by it." 

The platform of 1884, was a " straddle and meaningless 
mummery " and dextrous evasions of living issues. Yet it was 
re-affirmed and the party endorsed Mills' Bill, Cleveland, his 
administration and his message, based on the platform of 1884. 
And the party accepted his message as a "correct interpreta- 
tion " of both platforms and of the party's creed and faith, and 
the party put itself squarely before the people (with all of the 
above absurdities) for the first time in forty years. Its queer 
how long it takes the Cleveland-Bayard-Manning-Mills-Palmer 
Democrats to develop a principle clear enough to go before the 
people for their suffrages and not mean anything definite. If 
they were right in 1884 the party was false in 1888, and if right 
in 1888, it was false in 1884, and if it was false then it will be 
false in 1892. It is reasonable to believe they lied all the time, 
because they falsified each platform. 

Your party was surely wrong about putting so much stress 
on a slight reduction of the tariff to cure the ills of the country, 
such as pools, combines, trusts, and was of aggregated capital 
as that was not your highest principle, as your platform of 1888 
says, " Chief among its principles of party faith are the main- 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 31 

tainance of an iiidissoluable union of free and indestructable 
states now about to enter upon its second century of unexampled 
progress and renown." Your chief principles accords exactly 
with the Republicans, and they acknowledge its " unexampled 
progress and renown." If the country is enjoying " unexampled 
progress and renown," as you admit, you must go farther and 
say that it is the result of the protective policy of the Republi- 
cans, because you have not passed any taxation laws and the 
party claims the country's prosperity depends upon tariff taxa- 
tion. Your party's platforms, reports, messages, speeches and 
press falsifies all you say. 

Again, the same platform says: "The Democratic party 
welcome an exacting scrutiny of the administration of the execu- 
tive power, which, four years ago, was committed to its trust in 
the election of Grover Cleveland President of the United States, 
and it challenges the most searching inquiry concerning its 
fidelity and devotion to the pledges which then invited the suf- 
frage of the people. The party admits that it is not ashamed 
of, 1. National Banks; 2. Depositing the people's money in the 
banks, as fixed balances ; 3. Recommend the suspension of the 
silver dollar; 4. Saying the silver dollar v^^as worth only 99 
cents (We hope plenty of laborers in our community, who offer 
one hundred cents worth of labor for the silver dollar, and a 
few individuals who want a wagon-load of corn at 99 cents, pass 
them this way, please, you gold dollar National Bank note 
Democrats) ; 5. Wanting to fund the 346 million of the people's 
leo-al tender into endless bonds, to draw interest, and for the 
banker's sole use and benefit, and then grant 10 per cent, more 
blackbacks than they received by the Republican law. To re- 
tire the people's legal tender means to replace them with 
National Bank notes, so the people can pay more taxes, more 
intercst*on bonds, and more interest on the circulation of the 
banks. The party does not consider this a violation of its 
pledges, and the party has the cheek to say that the legal ten- 
ders are the frailest element in our currency, and that the bank- 
ers' notes are better for assured value than the people's legal 
tender. When the people assure value to both, from the fact 
that the people's bonds are behind the bank notes, and the 
people's legal tender has to play redeemer for the National 



32 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

Bank note. The party does not consider this excessive and 
against taxation. 

The idea of the people's legal tender being a redeemer for 
the National Bank, and then the lowest in " assured values," 
and the frailest element of the currency, is pernicious lying. 
Such utter disregard of truth and honesty as the above propo- 
sition is of such a degree of infamy and blasphemy that the 
goddess of liberty could not escape seduction at the party's 
hands ; and upon such propositions the Palmer-Bayard-]Man- 
ning-Mills-Cleveland Democracy " vs^elcome exacting scrutiny 
and challenges inquiry of its devotion and pledges." This seems 
to settle beyond any doubt what the people may expect on the 
finance question. 

Again, same platform says: "During a most critical period 
of our financial affairs, resulting from over-taxation, the anoma- 
lous condition of our currency and a public debt immatured, it 
has, by a wise and conservative course, not only averted disas- 
ter, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the people." Yes, 
the "critical period" of the finances did happen, but. not from 
over-taxation, from the fact thatjNIills' "excessive surplus" was 
only fifty millions of dollars, as stated in his committee report, 
but the "critical period" was a scheme of the bankers and 
bond holders to realize on the bonds, and the bastard Demo- 
cracy tumbled to the scheme and began offering a premium on 
the bonds to get to pay them. See Secretary's report, 1888, 
page 27. He says, under the circular April 17lh, 1888, "nearly 
all bonds offered have been bought by the government that 
have been offered at some ^rice. The amount purchased was 
ninety-four million, and we paid about eighteen millions for the 
privilege of buying them, and in the 297 bank depositories he 
deposited about one hundred and thirty-five million dollars. 
This is your party's " wise and conservative " course the 
" averted disaster " was to the banks, and the " promoted pros- 
perity " was rendered to the bondholders and bankers. 

The "unmatured public" debt would have melted away 
like the frost before the morning sun had they the courage and 
spirit of Jefferson Democracy. This kind of Democracy 
declared in a platform in 1836: " We hold that each and every 
law or act of incorporation passed by 2:)receding legislatures can 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 33 

be rightfully altered and repealed by their successors, and that 
they should be altered or repealed when necessary for the pub- 
lic ^occ/, or when required by a majority of the people." 
Again, Jefferson Democrats says, in platform of 1848: 
" That it is the duty of every branch of government to 
enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting 
our public affairs and that no more revenue ought to be raised 
than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the govern- 
ment, and for the gradual but certain extinction of the debt 
created by the prosecution of a just and necessary war." 

Of the first quotation, platform of 1836, why didn't your party 
repeal the charters of the National Bank and repeal the law con- 
cernir^ the time of payment, and say they were declared payable ? 
The answer is that the Democratic party of to-day is not Jeffer- 
son's Democracy. Of the quotation of the platform of 1848, 
we must say that we are positive that you have not applied the 
tariff revenue for " gradual and certain extinction of the debt," 
and surely your party knows all about the "just and necessary 
war." But as your party invites "exacting scrutiny" we must pro- 
ceed with the Democratic platform of 1888, which says, "While 
carefully guarding the interests of the taxpayers (not interest 
payers) and conforming strictly to the principles of justice and 
equity, it has paid out more for pensions and bounties to the sol- 
diers and sailors of the Republic than was ever before during an 
equal period." Well, if wool must go on the free list, why not 
cotton and cotton goods and all necessaries .'' You know the dif- 
ference between the Republicans and Democrats on schedule I. 
Cotton goods and cotton was only ninety-two hundreths of one 
per cent., and on woodenware and wood only six-tenths of one 
per cent. If free wool is ' 'justice and equity' ' so is all necessaries 
and schedule I as well. You skimmed "justice and equity" 
with exacting scrutiny. Your party paid no attention to the 
debt ridden mortgage, interest paying farmers, paying premiums 
on bond for the privilege of paying them is " exacting scrutiny" 
and "justice and equity" is as consistent as averting the criti- 
cal period by your party conservative course in the finances. 
The above was done by the Democratic party by conforming 
strictly to the principles of injustice and inequity. Yourbastai'd 
Democratic party may have paid more " pension and bounties," 



34 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

but if you did, it was according to Republican law or its sanc- 
tion, and if your party followed "justice and equity" it did not 
conform to it, paying the General's widow five thousand dollars 
per year and the poor private's wife one hundred and forty-four 
dollars per year, and your party could have paid more if Mr. 
Cleveland had not vetoed the " dependent pension bill," which 
the Democrats and Republicans said was justice and equity. 

The substitute Cleveland vetoed, the pension bill that would 
have pensioned some soldiers over six-two years of age of the late 
war, but signed one to pension those of sixty-two or over that 
were soldiers in the Mexican war. If justice demands a pension 
for Mexican soldiers over sixty-two (this was one provision in 
the bill) equity shigs up and says, give the soldiers of the late 
war the same when they arrive at sixty-two. (We had two 
neighbors, both sixty-two, one of the late war and one of the 
Mexican, and Cleveland vetoed for the soldier of the late war 
and approved for the Mexican. Justice and equity no doubt 
went with McGinty.) And yet Mr, Palmer congratulated him 
on vetoing the dependent pension bill, an insult to the boys 
who marched by his orders, and now some of them in rags and 
destitution, and in face of all the Palmer-Cleveland bastard 
Democracy was all endorsed by the whole party in St. Louis, 
June 5, 1888. 

Again, same platform says, *' Capital is discouraged, without 
doubt, and unjust and unequal laws can neither be repealed or 
amended." Of course labor is encouraged in poverty and suf- 
fering, and no difference, they must pay $5 more protection. 
And to settle capital all the party has to do is to follow its rule 
of " equity and justice " by giving them more bonds, premiums, 
deposit more of the people's money in their banks, and capital 
will soon settle and be ready to contribute to the campaign fund. 
The reason, we suppose, was that "justice and equity " was 
kept so busy, that the Democratic platform of 1884 was 
" meaningless mununery and dextrous evasion of living issues." 
No doubt the party wants to repeal or amend some law to help 
capital, and not labor, or it would have said so in this connec- 
tion. Again, platform of 1888 says: "Upon its record thus 
exhibited and upon a pledge of a continuance to the people of 
the benefits of good government, the National Democracy 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 35 

invokes a renewal of popular trust by the re-election of a chief 
magistrate who has been faithful, able and prudent." 

It does not appear to me like there is any Jefferson Demo- 
cracy in the above, nor is there any consolation to those who do 
respect Jefferson. • Your suffrage was asked upon the "record" 
and upon the pledges of a " continuance of the same." This 
means to repeat the record by the party's rule of " equity and 
justice," to the bankers, bondholders, manufactures, rich gen- 
eral's widow and veto pension bill to keep " soldiers from per- 
juring themselves," and be faithful to "disturbed capital" on 
your " conservative courses " during the " critical period" at 
which time the bankers, bondholders and financial pirates 
escaped the party's "seeming disaster." 

It is queer how "capital gets discouraged" and the poor 
farmers and laborers rest encouraged, and continue to keep the 
country in "unexampled prosperity, progress and renown," 
and at the same time destitute of food, clothes, home, happi- 
ness, and facing the world's batters with nothing but absolute 
idleness. (See Mills' report of bill.) And yet, in face of this, 
encouraged labor is satisfied with that kind of progress and re- 
nown, while capital is discouraged, starving, and yet getting 
rations from the government treasury as a " fixed balance," and 
the capitalists' bonds being purchased by the government at 28 
per cent, premium, and the farmers' land 50 per cent, below 
par, and no sale. 

Again, same platform says; "It has adopted and consist- 
ently pursued a firm and prudent foreign policy, presei-ving 
peace with all nations, while scrupulously maintaining all the 
rights and interests of our own government and people at home 
and abroad. Well, was Bayard and Cleveland prudent, firm 

and consistent in the Mexican matter over , a 

citizen? Those heathen Mexicans actually had to teach our two 
learned gentlemen the first principles of the law of nations, and 
expound the treaty between the two countries. But for good hard 
sense let us quote Jefferson's platform, on which he was elected. 
It says, in the sixth plank: "Free commerce with all nations, 
political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic 
establishments. ' ' This needs no comment. The boasted Demo- 
cratic party simply exhibits no respect for Jefferson whatever. 



36 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

Again, the Democratic platform of 1888 says: " Of all the 
industrious freemen of our land, an immense majority, includ- 
ing every tiller of the soil, gain no advantage fi-om excessive 
tax laws, but the price of nearly everything they buy is in- 
creased by the favoritism of an unequal system of tax legisla- 
tion." 

This clause is surely useless, for it is " capital that is discour- 
aged and kicking, and not the laborers. ' ' You say here the price 
of " nearly everything is increased " by " excessive and unjust 
tax law^s." Well, if that is the case, just put in a little more 
wool and premiums on bonds and bank deposits, and retire the 
people's money into endless bonds for National bankers' bene- 
fit, and let the laborers pay interest on circulation and bonds, for 
by this method you can relieve " every tiller of the soil" (Alli- 
ance) from "unjust and excessive taxation," and relieve "dis- 
couraged capital," But to fully explain why you should do the 
above, we quote from platform again : " It is repugnant to the 
creed of Democracy that by such taxation the cost of the neces- 
saries [wool] of life should be unjustly increased to all our 
people." This increase could be overlooked if the " surplus" 
did not accumulate, and by the message, a slight reduction will 
even up all things except the "favoritism shown to discouraged 
capital." Put more free wool in the hopper, and grind out an- 
other grist for the " undisturbed and encouraged laborers." 

Again, the same platform says: "Judged by Democratic 
principles, the interests of the people are betrayed, when, by 
' unnecessary taxation,'' trusts and combinations are permitted 
and fostered which will unduly enrich the few that combine to 
rob the many of our citizens, by depriving tftem of natural com- 
petition." 

Then we are to understand that it is all right for trusts and 
combines to rob and plunder the " undisturbed labor" so long 
as they are not " fostered and permitted" by " unnecessary 
taxation," but if it is done by a tariff for "necessary taxation," 
it cannot be legislated against, but such trust and combines will 
be " permitted and fostered," no difference whether the peo- 
ple's interests are " betrayed" or not, or whether the people get 
natural competition. Put in more "free wool," " $5 protec- 
tion bank deposits," "bonds," retire greenbacks, and issue 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 37 

endless bonds, ten per cent, more bank notes on the bonds, 
coffee combines, etc., and grind out a grist of satisfaction for 
"discouraged capital," and keep on "betraying the people's 
trust" by paying twenty-five per cent, premium on bonds, 
deposits of public money, so that " undisturbed labor," noted 
for " progress and renown," will have some burden to bear by 
paying premiums, interest on bonds and interest on National 
Bank circulation, and pay State, County and local tax on the 
bonds held by the "discouraged capitalists." 

Again, same platform says, " Every Democratic rule of gov- 
ernmental action is violated when through unnecessary taxation 
a vast sum of money far beyond [fifty million] the needs of an 
economical administration is drawn from the people, and chan- 
nels of trade, and accumulated as a demoralizing surplus in the 
national treasury. The money now lying idle in the federal 
treasury, resulting from superfluous taxation, amounts to more 
than one hundred and twenty-five million and the surplus is 
reaching the sum of more than sixty million annually." 

Yes, exactly, every rule of Jeff ei-son- Jackson Democracy is 
violated, creating 297 National Banks as holders of public money, 
but not Cleveland bastard Democracy ; this word " unnecessary" 
is your party's shibboleth, the party evidently did not "include 
the one hundred and thirty-one millions, in the banks," in con- 
nection of the vast sum of only " fifty millions," a result of 
" unnecessary taxation." This sum could soon be exhausted 
in paying premiums on bonds at 25 per cent, bonus. If it was 
a " demoralizing surplus," why let it more than double in four 
years of Democratic rule .? You evidently demoralize your party 
worse than " discouraged capital." If the election of 1888 is 
evidence, the excess of " necessary taxation " only reached 
about "sixty millions annually." The party could have cured 
it very easily by the Mills' bill by simply lowering the tariff to 
five and six-tenths per cent., or nearly so. The only trouble 
seems to have been the " established industries" could not 
stand the slight reduction of advantages granted them, as free 
trade was "mischievous and irrelevant." Again, platform 
says that more than one hundred and twenty-five millions are 
lying idle in the treasury as a result of superfluous taxation, and 
makes a " demoralizing surplus." Well, you know the three 



38 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

hundred and forty-six millions of legal tenders are declared to 
be unredeemable, no time being set for their redemption and 
are on a par with gold. And yet there has and is now one hun- 
dred millions of gold dollars held in the -treasury for their 
redemption, so by applying the redemption fund to payment of 
the debt, all the "demoralizing surplus " would have been 
exhausted, except twenty-five millions, and in order to get this in 
circulation all you had to do was to follow your party rule of 
" equity and justice " and deposit it in the banks for them to 
loan to the people. This would have met the approval of the 
"undisturbed and encouraged labor," and the " discouraged 
capital," and accorded with "equity and justice " dealt out to 
the taxpayers and interest payers, as practiced by your party 
while in power. 

Again, same platform says: "Debauched by this great 
temptation (surplus), the remedy of the Republicans is to meet 
and exhaust it by extravagant appropriation. The Democi-atic 
remedy is to enforce frugality in public expenditures, and abol- 
ish unnecessary taxation." Here is an accusation without foun- 
dation, and in order to say something, it accuses every other 
party of doing wi'ong, and they are alone honest. The party 
skinned the truth pi-etty fine on this point with " exacting scru- 
tiny." The Democratic remedy may be "frugality in public 
expenditures," and we hate to accuse and prove them guilty of 
violation of every quotation, but, as they welcome "exacting 
scrutiny," let them face the " critical period," They say they 
paid out more for pensions than the Republicans during the 
same length of time. They paid more premiums on bonds ; 
they increased the clerical force ; they established an Inter- 
State Commerce Committee ; they say they built a powerful 
navy and established a gun factory; they extended sessions of 
Congress, which continued wages of those engaged about the 
halls; they followed the rule of appropriating for internal im- 
provement ; Cleveland sent Manton Marble to Europe to ad- 
just silver ratio, etc. This Inter-State Commerce Committee 
expense the Government pays while they fly around, and then 
cover a great portion of the reports on safety appliances ; and 
the party does such other things as will conform to " justice and 
equity," and reduce the "surplus" and make a slight reduc- 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 39 

tion of unnecessary taxation. The party could not get it down 
to necessary taxation, because the " advantages awarded our 
home industries" should not be withdrawn, for free trade was 
" mischievous, irrelevant, and far removed from and considera- 
tion of public good." 

Again, the same platform says: "Our domestic industries 
and enterprises should not and need not be endangered by a 
reduction and correction of the burdens of taxation ; on the 
contrary, a fair and careful revision of our tax laws, with due 
allowance for the difference between the wages of American 
and foreign labor, must permit and encourage every branch of 
such industry and enterprise by giving them assurance of an ex- 
tended market and steady and continuous operation. In the in- 
terest of American labor, w'hich should in no event be neglected, 
the revision of our tax laws contemplated by the Democratic 
party, and to promote the advantage of such labor by cheapen- 
ing the cost of the necessaries of life in the home of every work- 
ingman, and at the same time securing to him steady and re- 
munerative employment." 

The above is evidently clear-cut and unqualifiedly for pro- 
tection. They need not, and, above all, should not, be endan- 
gered by a reduction of taxation ; as much as to say, if the re- 
duction does endanger them, it should be raised, whether the 
amount be burdensome or not, for, by so doing, a due " allow- 
ance " is had for the difference between " wages of American 
and foreign labor," and to give the " industries and enterprises" 
an "extended market" and continuous operation by simply 
putting " wool " on the free list, in order that the " materials of 
manufacture" will be cheaper, and, in proportion to the Amer- 
ican labor, " the cheapest labor in the world," and reducing 
the "unnecessary taxation 4^ per cent., to prevent "a de- 
moralizing surplus." So the " established industry " will not 
and should not be deprived of the "benefits we award them," 
and, " by the slight reduction" "contemplated by the Demo- 
cratic party," and cheapen the "necessaries of life in the home of 
every workingman." This is very nice to say, but how about 
the farms — hogs, cattle, wheat, oats, corn, rye, wool and 
"free wool," tobacco, cotton, rice, etc., going down, down, 
when they are now far below living prices.? But you think they 



40 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

can, at lower prices, pay the mortgages, taxes, rates on watered 
stock, and interest on the same, with enormous dividends of 
raih'oad stock ; su^^port the National Banks, pay interest on 
their bonds (and circulation, too), and interest on the "endless 
bonds" (your Democratic party proposes to issue), and school 
the bankers' children, pay the expenses of fighting the redskins, 
pay irrigation rates, pay for champagne, whisky, cigars and 
other debauching elements used by Congressional committees, 
and support the pauper element of the priest-ridden hordes of 
Europe and the idol god worshippers of the old world, who 
pour in on our country where capital is "discouraged with doubt," 
and the country " unexampled for progress and renown," under 
the enforcement of the benign influence of the Republicans' 
protection policy. If it is not, why admit it in your party plat- 
form, and pay for and suppoi't the powerful " navy " your 
party platform says it instituted. This was no doubt overlooked 
when " the expenditures were frugal and economical." And I 
suppose the taxpayers should have paid for the embossed copy 
of the constitution President Cleveland sent to the Pope of 
Rome, prior to the election, no doubt for the j^urpose of solicit- 
ing foreign influence to aid in his re-election, which he said was 
•wrong. Contrast this with "Jefferson Democracy" about hav- 
ing no foreign political connection (heretofore quoted). 

If the laborers are encouraged, what is the use of trying to 
do so much for them as you promise in the above quotation } 
It seems as if it is " discouraged capital's " interest that should 
be considered in conjunction with revision of the tax laws. 
" Contemplated by the Democracy" the poor capitalists should 
be protected in order that they may not be bound down to pov- 
erty and low wages, destitution and homeless, and pay all the 
taxes of " undisturbed encouraged labor," while the laborers 
are spending their time in idleness around the summer watering 
places and thumping the Chickering amid the palace, while the 
" discouraged capital'" lives out a miserable existence in hovels 
and filthy tenement houses. If the country is enjoying " unex- 
ampled progress and renown" as the result of the degree of 
" justice and equity " of the law, then it seems any more tink- 
ering with it might prove disastrous to the " discouraged 
capital," and the laborers cease to make the country " unex- 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 41 

ampled for progress and renown," why not let well enough 
alone ? 

You admit everything the Republicans claim for their pro- 
tection policy, " unexampled progress and renown." Yet you 
assume to want to strike it down — the very thing that you admit 
has contributed to its " unexampled progress and renown." 
Yet your party is justifiable according to the Democratic rule of ♦ 
"equity and justice," of wishing to do something to pacify 
"discouraged capital" and protect them from the rapacious, 
avaricious and domineering spirit of "undisturbed labor." 
You evidently should cheapen the " necessaries of life" in the 
home of " disturbed capital," and secure for it "steady and 
remunerative employment," and " promote the advantages of 
the discouraged capital " by a fair and careful revision of the 
tax laws," imder which " tax laws " you want to revise, " undis- 
turbed labor" has, you admit, put the country upon a degree 
of unexampled prosperity, " progress and renown." 

But as Mr. JSIills, who is a Democrat and the leader in tax re- 
form, says (in his speech heretofore referred to) : " But on correct 
principles of taxation there ought to be a higher duty on sugar 
than on any other article on the dutiable list." 

If the Democratic theory is correct about the cost of an arti- 
cle being increased by the amount of tariff duty, why not follow 
the "correct principles" of taxation and increase the duty on 
sugar and thereby follow your platform promise and " cheapen 
the necessaries of life in the house of every workingman .?" 

The trouble evidently is that your party wants to protect the 
Democratic sugar industries and suppress the Republican wool 
producers' industries. But we find that the "established indus- 
tries " using cotton, the Democratic States' production, are 
only disturbed in the "tariff protection " by only ninety-two 
hundreths of one per cent., evidently because they, the cotton 
o-oods manufacturers, were consumers of the raw cotton'jDroduced 
in the Democratic States, and evidently to appease for this 
inconsistency they give the woolen manufacturer five dollars 
more protection and put wool on the free list to put down prices 
of v.'ool produced by Republican States. 

And it necessarily follows that the Democratic party can 
onlv tell that the tariff is too high by the accumulation of the 



42 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

" demoralizing surplus " of sixty millions annually, and this is 
the only item they attempt to judge by, and they hypocritically 
claim to be for a tariff for "revenue only," when they are 
imqualifiedly for " protection ;" and yet they can only define 
their tariff position by dollars and cents and not by any settled 
principle of good government, and if the revenues of the gov- 
ernment were producing a deficit of sixty millions of dollars, 
then for revenue only you would raise the duties sixty millions 
of dollars and thereby contribute a greater protection than they 
have now. So your party's theory of adjusting the tariff duties 
to cure the ills of a country " unexampled for progress and 
renown" is simply dependent upon the amount needed, and if 
the amount needed was equal to one-half, two-thirds or all of 
the money in circulation, you would take it all for a "tariff for 
revenue only," and not issue or increase the money circulation, 
that absolutely controls prices, and very correctly, for if there 
was no money there 'would be no money prices. We see by 
your platform of 1888 you do not profess to be fpr a " tariff for 
revenue only." Such words cannqt^^ found in the platform 
of 1888. 

The report accompanying H. R. Bill, 9051, commonly 
known as the Mills' Bill, virtually says that the President has 
discovered what protection — no, that a surplus is accumulat- 
ing, and that it is caused by " excess of receipts" over expendi- 
tures. The President did not say the protection policy was 
wrong and must be stopped, whether the receipts exceeded ex- 
penditures or not, but supposed the tariff was too high, yet he 
does not say. Thereupon the committee said the surplus was 
caused by excessive and unjust rates of taxation. Well, the 
surplus could easily be seen, and an idiot could assign the main 
cause, when only one main one existed to assign. So the prin- 
ciple of legislation is only defined by dollars and cents. Now, 
in accordance with their pretensions, the Democrats should have 
said: " Let us destroy this protective robber policy ; it is detri- 
mental to all, because it increases the cost of living and 
absorbs the profits of the laborers." But no; the party was 
not elected on that principle, and the cry of " tariff for expendi- 
tures, economically applied," is the catchpenny the party uses 
for bait to betray the undisturbed labor and grant special favors 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 43 

to discouraged capital. The poor and ignorant are thus 
hoodwinked into the belief that the party is honest and will 
carry out its pretensions, when the party has no principles, but 
dextrously evades living issues, and bids for the support of 
" discouraged capital " and the Pope of Rome's influence, so 
as to carry the election, then legislate for the purpose of satis- 
fying the demands of the money power, so it can have " steady 
and remunerative employment," and cheapen the necessaries in 
the home of every workingman, and at the same time the 
prices of the necessaries are now far below the cost of produc- ■ 
tion. Why put them any lower, unless the party wants more 
tenants and tramps than we now have ? Anszver. 

The party platform of 1888 says, lastly: " Upon this ques- 
tion of tariff reform, so closely concerning every phase of our 
national life, and upon every question involved in the problem 
of good government, the Democratic party submits." 

The tariff reform is a terrible bugbear. How many trusts, 
combines and combinations does it foster.? They live and exist 
without tariff, even if the tariff principle does favor them, as Mr. 
Mills says. But, according to correct principles of taxation, 
sugar (a necessary of life) ought to be higher than anything 
else. How does tariff affect railroad rates, bonds, banks, 
watered stock, raise prices, pay mortgages, pay taxes, prohibit 
landlordism, etc. .? The party's platforms, records, reports, 
press speeches and administration, prove conclusively that the 
party is against each and every principle of justice and equity 
involved in good government. 

In adjusting the tariff duties, the platform says : "Its reduc- 
tion must be had with reference to the difference in wages be- 
tween American and foreign labor." Or, the reduction must 
not be cut low enough to injure the price paid here. Well, if 
our laborers are better paid than the foreign laborers are, how 
does the party expect to compete in foreign markets with our 
goods, and pay transportation charges, too, unless the prices of 
our raw materials are to go lower than in Europe, and low 
enough to fill up the difference in wages, and to pay for the 
freight charges in crossing the ocean, and then the inland rail- 
way charges, and then pay the salesman, besides? Our manu- 
facturer cannot compete with the foreign manufacturer in his 



44 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

home market, unless our home labor and matei-ials are cheaper 
than Europe's, and then they must be produced lower in order 
to pay freights and selling expenses ; but if labor is higher here 
than in Europe, then our manufacturers must have a compen- 
sating balance in something, and from the position of the Dem- 
ocratic party on " cheap raw material," we are forcibly led to 
believe that the party desii'es to use the labor and producers of 
raw materials of this country as the compensating balance to fill 
up for the difference in wages of labor and the necessary freight 
charges. 

And if it is right and justice to maintain tariff rates on 
imported goods in favor of our manufacturers and laborers, the 
Democratic party violates all rules of justice and equity in trying 
to put goods free upon their markets and at the same time levy 
tariff upon the foreign imports. If the foreign manufactured 
goods will ruin our home manufacturers or tend to curtail their 
output, it is a solecism to contend that our goods can take the 
foreign markets away from the manufacturers of foreign countries. 
Free goods of ours on their markets means free goods of theirs 
on our markets. Cleveland sayS this is "irrelevant, mischiev- 
ious and far removed from any consideration of public good." 
Blaine says it is the golden rule. Democrats, protectionists, 
Republicans free trade. But the ungrateful lie is, " That this 
tariff question concerns every phase of our lives." 

Europe has tenant farmers and poor laborers, and America 
has the same. Our wages and prices concerning " raw mater- 
ials " must go below those of the foreign raw materials, and in 
such amount as to be equal to the steamships' freight charges, 
and then inland charges, and in order to then get a fair patron- 
age our goods must be cheaper than their home productions. 
If we can do that then foreign labor and capital will seek 
employment and investment in this country. And so the load 
is returned in the shape of a ruined market, because the foreign 
manufacturer shut down and thereby destj-oyed the market for 
the English tenant farmer, for he can no longer sell his raw 
material, as America's is the lowest, or the English manufacturer 
would not have shut down. The English tenant farmers should 
exact tribute from us if we do from them, and yet " cheap raw 
materials" is what the Democratic party emphatically says we 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 45 

must have. They seem to have as vague an idea of prices and 
wants of the American laborer and farmers as the simpleton has 
of the Hindoo race. If supply and demand is unfettered, the 
amount of money in circulation is the mother of price ; and if 
money determines price then the tariff cannot determine it ; and 
if the money is all withdrawn from circulation money price is 
destroyed, notwithstanding the tariff remains fixed. No tariff 
rate can fix an equilibrium of prices between countries if supply 
and demand is not going to control prices, and if it is not going 
to, it would be honesty to remove the obstacles of the law of 
supply and demand. The prices being high or low in any coun- 
try will be raised or lowered as the money in circulation is 
increased or decreased ; and if the two countries adopt the same 
money system as the United States and England have done, no 
tariff, high or low, will save the country from bankruptcy and 
demoralization. During the period from 1842 up to 1861, we 
had the Walker free trade tariff (as it was called) of 19 per 
cent, and in this period the country experienced " hard times " 
and " good times ;" and from 1861 up to 1883 we have had the 
Morrill tariff, or high tariff of 61 per cent., and times have been 
hard and good under the high tariff. Neither system is correct 
or the same would not occur under each. The farmers and 
laborers have never complained about low or high tariff when 
money circulated in such a quantity as to insure to labor a profit. 
We submit a table taken from A. A. Dunning's Philosophy 
of Price — the dates, amount of money in circulation, and the 
results : 

1811. $ 28,000,000 Hard times. 

1816. 110,000,000 Good times. 

1818. 40,000,000 Panic. 

1832. 60,000,000 Fair. 

1837. 150,000,000 Booming times. 

1843. 68,000,000 Panic. 

1847. 105,000,000 Good times. 

1857. 215,000,000 Booming times. 

1858. 150,000,000 Panic. 

1865. 1,651, 282, 373..Failures, 530..Booming times. 
1873. 738,219,749 ->.183..Panic. 

1877. 696,443,394 •• ,s,872..Prostration. 



46 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

If the tariff controls prices and guarantees prosperity, why 
do panics come and go alike with high and low tariff? The 
answer is that money begets money prices, while tariff is only 
levied upon price. (This is the general rule.) If those who 
manipulate the money so choose, they can, by withdrawing the 
money, destroy a tai-iff for protection or a tariff for revenue. A 
sufficient volume of money (say $60 per capita) will give every 
willing muscle in our country remunerative and steady employ- 
ment, and the ability of one to purchase does not depend upon 
steady employment, as it depends mostly upon the price he re- 
ceives for his labor. 

The producers of raw material must receive such a price for 
his products as will give such a profit as will enable him to pay 
such a price for them manufactured as will guarantee a profit to 
the manufacturer and his day laborers. If they cannot escape 
with a fair profit, no poor man has a ghost of a show to provide 
a home for his family and a competency for old age ; and if the 
system does not so adjust itself, you can rely on it that the sys- 
tem is wrong. There is a vacuum between the products of 
labor that the volume of money must be sufficient to fill up to 
the profit line, and if the money decreases in circulation, the 
vacuum becomes smaller and smaller all the while, until the 
vacuum is closed, and both fall far below the cost of produc- 
tion ; and then comes panics, strikes, riots, starvation, idleness, 
poverty and crime, and general disorder. 

There is such a wide difference between price and value that 
it seems any person of ordinary intelligence would be well 
versed in the difference, for we find that values adjust them- 
selves to man's mental measure, z.\\6i prices adjust themselves to 
money measure. 

It seems from this statement, then, that if a tariff duty is 
correct in principle, a specific duty would be the only one of 
steady reliance, for a duty of 10 cents per yard would al- 
ways mean just that much per yard, and the amount of rev- 
enue thus to be raised would only depend upon the number of 
yards imported ; whereas, if it was a duty of 10 per cent, ad 
valorem (on price), the revenue would depend both upon the 
number of yards and of price, and, as prices fluctuate, 10 per 
cent, may only raise $1 revenue on the 1st of July, on a 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 47 

Stated number of yards, while on the 1st of January, on the 
same amount, the revenue may only raise 75 cents ; and the 
same argument will answer for demonstrating a tariff for pro- 
tection. 

A consistent position for the Democratic party to take for a 
tariff for " revenue only," then, would be strictly for a specific 
duty, for by this method the party would exhibit a love for the 
revenue derived from imports on specific amounts, as yards, 
bushels, pounds, ounces, etc., and at the same time say they 
were after a steady revenue on a certain and well-defined 
theory; but-to depend upon an ad valorem puts the whole into 
the mental measure of a board of appraisers. If they raise from 
100 yards of cloth, priced at $150, a revenue of $22.50 ad val- 
orem in 1889, it follows that the same should be raised on the 
same in 1890. Yet the 100 yards of cloth may be priced at 
$100, and the duty thus laid for revenue would only be $15 ; 
whereas, if the duty had been specific at 22i cents per yard, the 
amount of revenue would have been equal for the two yeai's, 
and we find, at the ad valorem rate of duty, a deficit in the rev- 
enue would be Ih. and if the cloth had been subject to both 
specific and ad valorem^ the deficit would have occurred all the 
same. We think a specific duty is the more appropriate way 
to declare for a tariff for " revenue only," and maintains more 
consistency. The party is not a unit upon the tariff, for the 
reason no one can state a good principle governmental policy, 
based upon dollars and cents, for it can not have a steady ap- 
plication ; nor is the party a unit upon any^question. The party 
was overwhelmed with honesty in 1872, when Liberal Republi- 
cans made their platform, on which the Democratic party jumped 
by endorsing both platform and candidate. This was the birth of 
this bastard party, called Democrats — named Democrat, we 
suppose, because its mother's name was largely Democratic. 
The Democratic platform said about the tariff, 1872: * * * 
"And, recognizing that there are in our midst honest but 
irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respec- 
tive systems of free trade and protection, we remit the discus- 
sion of the subject to the people in their Congressional districts, 
and the decision of Congress thereon, wholly free from execu- 
tive interference or dictation." 



48 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

The party would have shown more respect for truth in 1888 
if they had adopted the above ; but the trouble was, it was un- 
qualifiedly for protection. 

The party platform of 1876 says: " We demand all custom 
house taxation shall be only for revenue." 

The party platform of 1880 just barely mentions: * * * 
"And a tariff for revenue only." 

The party platform of 1884 says: "The Democratic party 
is pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness to all inter- 
ests, * * * * It is not proposed to injure any 
domestic industries but rather promote their healthy growth." 
And the Republican platform of the same year says: "The 
Republican party is pledged itsdf to correct the inequalities of 
the tariff and reduce the surplus * * * * by 
such methods as will relieve the taxpayers without injuring the 
laborer." 

The Democrats were looking after the manufacturers and 

the Republicans after the laborers, or pretended to. This was 

_a very close call on the tariff, in revising and correcting. 

The eastern element went for the Democratic plan of revision 

instead of the Republican's plan of correcting. 

The Democratic platform of 1888 has been quoted hereto- 
fore and it is purely a protectionist document. Not a word can 
we find about "free trade," " tariff for revenue only," or 
Blaine's advanced idea of reciprocity. The old Democratic 
war whoop of "Free trade and sailors' rights " has lost its 
charms. There are now more free traders in the Republican 
party than in the Democratic party, and for the proof of the 
assertion, we submit an editorial of the leading Democratic 
paper of the west, the St. Louis Jiepzcblic, of Feb. 10, 1891, 
under the caption of " For Revenue Only:" " There are many 
free traders in the country and their numbers are constantly 
increasing. Some of them vote with the Democrats, but in the 
past more of them have voted with the Republicans. It is our 
observation that there are two Republicans who would vote to 
abolish the tariff outright where there is one Democrat who 
would favor such a policy. In the last election, however, very 
many of these Republican free traders in the west voted with 
the Democrats. But in so doing they had every opportunity to 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 49 

know, and there is no doubt they did know, that the Democratic 
party, although it is opposed to taxation to increase the prices 
or restrict supply, is in favor of a tariff levied for the sole pur- 
pose of raising revenue. 

"This is the party's position and this is the position of Sen- 
ator Vest. He is no more in favor of completely abolishing 
the tariff than he is of so adjusting it, that, in raising revenue 
needed to support the government, it will become an agency for 
larceny, direct or indirect, * * * " 

The above editorial put^ the party on the high tariff side of 
the question, and says the tariff increases the price of the goods, 
but for sake of revenue the party will raise the price for revenue. 
If a large amount is wrong in principle, so is a small amount. 
The principle is overlooked for the sake of revenue, and the 
principle is overlooked for the sake of protection. If a person 
steals a horse the Democratic party would justify (by the above) 
on the principle of revenue only, and the Republicans on the 
ground of protection ; and from the position now of the Demo- 
cratic party they are as liable to yelp out, " On the grounds of 
protection ; the thief is justified." And the Republicans to keep 
up a difference would yelp out, for " revenue and reciprocity." 
If a party commits a crime he would escape more easily if the law 
would let him say what kind of a crime it was and set the 
punishment. 

This is the position of the Democratic party of to-day, and 
only nineteen years old. It evidently should be sent to a reform 
school for wanting to raise the prices of the necessaries of life 
(and unnecessaries), and say it is only for revenue, yet wrong in 
principle. The tariff taxation does not injure the people in any 
measure like the money power does. It is the climax of 
robbers. Why don't the party put in a plank on the money 
question, and give the people some relief from the blood-sucking 
grasp of money monopoly, and then give us a graduated income 
tax upon incomes for " revenue only?" The answer is the 
party yields gracefully to each and every demand of the money 
power, to enlist its support fdr the purpose of getting offices 
only. 

The Democratic party was the tool of the slave power, and 
the Whigs bid steadfastly and eagerly for the support of the 



50 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, 

slave power, and wanted to do its bidding ; but the Democratic 
party was to be trusted on the slavery question, and while the 
Whigs offered to support the slave power, a large majority of 
Whigs were highly in favor of the abolition of slavery, but 
could not force the plank into the platform. The leaders were 
corrupt, consequently you could not reform slavery in its ranks, 
and it took a new party to do it, the Republican. And the 
same follows to-day. A majority of the Democratic and Repub- 
lican voters are in favor of the abolition of money monopoly, 
but the leaders are not, so it takes a new party to correct the 
evil now seriously affecting all portions of our country, notwith- 
standing the old parties say it is "unexampled for progress, 
prosperity and renown." 

We have shown that the Democratic party is without any 
principles, and will always be, as long as it continues to yelp, 
"tariff taxation," for the reasons heretofore given. 

If the party is so much in favor of the poor laborers, it 
should repeal all tariff laws on any of the necessaries of life, and 
abandon the tariff for " revenue only," or now for its protec- 
tion policy, and declare for a graduated income tax for " rev- 
enue only." For by this system the tax would be paid by men 
with large incomes who are more able to pay, and thus release 
the poor with only scant living incomes, for by this method the 
poor would no longer be required to pay as much, if not more, 
tax than the rich, as under the present tariff taxation. The 
bankers, bondholders, speculators, railroad stock holders and 
others that have been- favored by law, have created the greater 
portion of the monied obligations of the government ; and by 
adopting the graduated income tax system the above named 
class would be required to pay the interest and principal of the 
debts created by and for them ; and on a man* s ability to -pay 
should alone rest the theory of taxation^ and not tipon what he 
is able to consume. And it further seems, as the tariff, how- 
ever small, is protection to the laborers or manufacturers, that 
better protection to the laborers could be had by taxing in- 
comes. But on this theory the party would throw up all hands 
and say the poor laborers must pay a tax in proportion to their 
abilities to consume, in return for the "protection straight," 
or for the "incidental protection," the tariff system affords 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 51 

them, which is laid for their benefit. This is their only excuse 
or answer. The idea of laying a tariff for revenue^ incidental 
or for actual protection, and then on the other hand take it 
away for taxes to support the Governme7tt, and release the rich 
from a true and equitable system of taxation, is more than the 
author or a?iy other average voter can comprehend. 

A belief is now prevalent that it will take a new party and 
new men to right the evils that pervade every portion of our 
country. This is based upon the fact that those who manipulate 
nominations and dictate platforms " have no politics but plun- 
der, and no object in life but the spoliation of the human race." 

The perpetuity of our republican institutions is enveloped 
in danger of the greatest magnitude, owing to the unjust and 
class legal enactments pertaining to money, land, transporta- 
tion, public communications, taxation, option, or dealing in 
futures, trusts, and the liquor traffic. 

The questions above stated have been ably discussed by 
many eminent writers, but we will briefly notice some of them. 

This money question is the greatest and of far more import- 
ance, because it is the agency of civilization, and without it 
civilization would die. Money is the evidence of orgarfized 
society — a creature of law. Its only value is only determined 
by exchange for those things which meet man's wants, needs 
and desires. It will not clothe, feed, warm, cure, or contribute 
to his happiness until it is parted with, and its highest function, 
debt-paying power, exists only by fiat of law. Labor only cre- 
ates REAL value, and tiot law. 

The fight is not so much on the kind as on quantity. Every 
one admits that the gold and silver are not plentiful to supply the 
needs of the people, and to supply the want, resort is had to 
paper, the favorite money of the working classes. Bank notes 
are the favorite of the capitalists. Shall it be the banker's 
promissory notes or the people's legal tender paper dollars, 
issued by the government in sufficient volume to move every 
muscle? Bank notes get into circulation only on loans, and 
they are always stained with interest. You can protest the 
notes if not redeemed on demand, in the people's greenback 
dollar now in circulation ; the bank note can be sued on just 
like the reader's note. The banker's prosperity rests upon the 



52 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

debts of the people. Give us a volume of our own money, that, by 
industry and economy, in a few^ years we will have more loaners 
than borrowers. Under this system nearly all are borrowers 
and few loaners. Under this system the competition is thrown 
between two laborers after one dollar. The laborer that will 
give the most time for the dollar gets employment at starvation 
wages and the other laborer goes tramping. 

Under a correct system of money (as briefly mentioned) the 
competition will be thrown between two dollars after one 
laborer, and the dollar that will cover the least amount of time 
finds exchange, and the laborer gets good wages, while the other 
dollar does the tramping instead of the laborer, as now. Which 
is the more preferable, tramp laborers or tramping dollars ? The 
argument applies to products of labor as well. Tramping 
laborers are sure signs of hard times and destitution amid 
plenty. Tramping dollars indicates that every person is 
employed — happiness and prosperity reigns supreme. What is 
the sense of having bank notes ? If this prerogative can be used 
by one it can be used by all. Promissory notes (bank notes) 
are issued upon the hypothecation of bonds. Why not let 
farmers hypothecate lands and issue their promissory notes to 
circulate as money and let the government play redeemer until 
we choose to close.? If the people's legal tender paper dollars 
have to play redeemer for National Bank note circulation, let the 
government suppress the bankers' circulation and put in the 
people's paper circulation, an absohite paper dollar. The 
bankers are making too much money off of the scheme ; if they 
were not they would not follow banking. 

Then the banking system and the specie-basis system must 
go, and that in a hurry. Such injustice and refined robbery 
has no friends this side of Satan's headquarters. 

We have proved that the Democratic party is in favor of 
National Banks, and we will submit additional evidence that the 
party is not in favor of the absolute paper dollar, but is in favor 
of a specie basis. This system means one money for the capi- 
talists and another for the laborers; or in other words, the 
capitalists can pay labor in the money based tipon specie^ yet 
the laborers cannot in turn pay them with the same money. 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 53 

The bastard Democratic platform of 1872 says, in the eighth 
plank: "A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike 
by the highest consideration of commercial morality and honest 
government." 

The platform of 1876 says: " Reform is necessary to estab- 
lish a sound currency, restore public credit and maintain national 
honor. We denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of 
peace, to make good the promise of the legal tender notes, 
which are a changing standard of value in the hands of the 
people, and the non-payment of which is a disregard of the 
plighted faith of the Nation. ***** We denounce 
the financial imbecility of that party which, during eleven years 
of peace, has made no advance toward resumption, no prepara- 
tion for resumption, but, instead, has obstructed resumption by 
wasting our resources and exhausting all our surplus income, 
and, while annually professing to intend a SPEEDY return to 
specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hindrances thereto. 
As such hindrance, we denounce the resumption clause of 1875, 
and we demand its repeal." 

The party platform of 1880 says: "Home rule, honest 
money, consisting of gold and silver, and paper convertible into 
coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the public faith." 

Senator Bayard, a leading Democrat, said in his speech in 
New York City, 1880: "I am now for resumption, and the 
Democratic candidates for President and Vice-President want 
the same kind of resumption that I do — a real, and not a sham 
resumption. We want the resumption intended to be secured 
by the resolution I offered in the Senate last December. * * 
* * It was a resolution right on the ancient pathway of Con- 
stitutional Democracy, withdrawing from the treasury notes, 
when paid and redeemed at the Treasury, a7iy power of enforced 
legal tender when re-issued. * * * * There is great clan- 
o-er to us, and our posterity is and will be \\\ great jeopardy so ' 
long as the legal tender credit currency is in existence." 

The jDarty platforms of 1884 and 1888 say nothing, as the 
time passed and resumption robbery went on, and the Govern- 
ment resumed specie payment by issuing bonds payable in coin 
and interest also ; and for the party's last declaration concerning 
leo-al tender paper money, see quotation heretofore given from 



54 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

the Secretary's report of 1888, the plan for retiring the $346,- 
000,000of greenbacks that were not converted into bonds by the 
wholesale howl of the people, which caused the above amount 
to remain in circulation; and since Sherman's edict to receive 
them in payment for dues at the custom houses, they have been 
on a par with gold, all that an absolute paper can do ; and it is 
doing now (although it will not pay interest on the public debt 
or principal) just what the gold-bugs, speculators and the old 
parties say it cannot do. The greenback dollar, in its crippled 
condition, stands up and calls and proves them liars. 

From the quotations and speeches, the Democratic party is 
in favor of National Bank notes, and not in favor of an abso- 
lute legal tender paper dollar. It is admitted by all that metal 
money is not sufficient in quantity, and that we must have a 
paper currency. The question turns upon who shall issue and 
control it — the bankers or the people? The Democratic and 
Republican parties say bankers ; Alliance says people, and in 
so doing, the Alliance quotes Democratic doctrine for its posi- 
tion. That party's platform of 1876 says: " Reform can only 
be had by a peaceful civil revolution. We demand a change of 
system, a change of administration, a change of parties, that 
they may have a change of measures and of men." 

The record discloses some wonderful things. Land mono- 
poly is wrong. If any person owns and controls more land than 
he can cultivate of his own and reasonable hired help ; if his 
holdings exceed this, he can, with the same propriety, own it 
by townships, counties and States, and the whole United States, 
if he can buy it. The amount he should be allowed to own de- 
pends much upon population and acres. Landlordism and ten- 
antry is a sure index of the usurpation of the natural rights of 
mankind, in prohibiting him from using a portion of the earth 
for his sole use and benefit, and not partly for landlords and 
part for himself. Large landed estates of this country must 
eventually give way to laws of descent, by reas(.n of the prohi- 
bition of the rights of primogeniture and entailed estates. The 
Constitutional framers were on the lookout, and they thought 
by the above prohibition (indirectly) and the prohibition of 
granting any titles of nobility, they would prevent a royal caste 
of society here. But they evidently overlooked that the creation 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 55 

of artificial persons (corporations) would create this caste, by 
reason of incomes. Land at one time was the chief basis of 
royalty, when by means of legislative enactments creating 
bonded debts, at the same time payable in coin so that the pay- 
ment could not be made in a reasonable time, investments in 
the same became more preferable than land. And as royalty 
never meant anything only a division of society, rich and poor, 
and royalty lived off of stated incomes and annuities paid from 
the public revenues. 

A royal cast of society is created in the pension system by 
giving to the Generals and their widows large annuities and to 
the privates and their widows small and insignificant amounts. 
This is the distinction shown in the military department. The 
other royal caste is in the civil department of society ; is between 
the bankers, bondholdei^s and landlords. Monied persons on 
one side and the poor laborers and tenants on the other. The 
poor pay all for the aristocrats. While we have no titles of 
nobility, the results in incomes and annuities have obtained a 
place in our government which they prefer to empty titles. 
These are English customs, and so is the landlord and tenant 
system; and as a result of this infamous and robbing money 
system, land is fast passing into a few hands known in law as a 
corporation composed of American and foreign capital. These 
kind of artificial persons never die and know no division of 
land, and is farmed by tenants managed by a board of directors. 
Then by this method entailed estates, so far as non-division is con- 
cerned, exists in our country. Many foreign natural persons 
own thousands of acres of American soil, but owe no alle- 
giance to our governiTient. If they are not a party to our compact 
of government, no right exists to compel us to defend such 
holdings, and if no right exists to compel us to defend such 
holdings no right exists in the law to confer on him any title to 
the land. And by virtue of the money system the land has 
been passing into the hands of the few, because the land owners 
are compelled to mortgage their land for the purpose of keeping 
money in circulation with which to exchange these products, 
and as a result of the mortgage system we have as many if not 
more tenants than many of the older countries of Europe. 



56 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

The scheme for government loans on land is presented as a 
solution for the condition that now exists. It may be called a 
species of class legislation, and perhaps is to some extent; but 
for sake of argument we will admit that it is absolutely so. 
Well, each and everyone deplores the condition of the farmers, 
and their condition is the result of uncalled for and wicked 
species of class legislation on the control of money, and, as 
class legislation put them where they are to-day. If they are 
ever to get out it is the only thing that will do it. They must 
go out through the same loophole they came, and by this scheme 
the interest goes to pay taxes instead of paying interest and taxes 
as now. 

Agriculture is the basis of society or government, and if the 
basis falls, down goes the whole structure, and the permanency 
of the structure depends solely upon a sound basis, so as land 
and farmers bear the structure of society they must have the 
best possible support or they will fail to support the human 
family and enjoy life, and if they are prosperous so are all other 
industrious classes, but it does not follow when other classes are 
prosperous that the farmers are. So special benefits must go 
to them. 

And on this loan scheme the farmers are not asking any 
more than the Government is already doing. The banker de- 
posits his bond, and the Government strikes blackback for the 
banker to loan and speculate on off of the farmer. If this is 
right, so is loaning money on land or other like security; the 
only difference is, the land is the best security. The Govern- 
ment lays an internal revenue tax upon liquors, and for the sole 
benefit of the distillers the Government consents for the liquors 
to be put in warehouses, in order to give " age " to it, we sup- 
pose, for the purpose of stopping the selling of bad or raw 
whisky (no one ever saw any good, and perhaps this was the 
Democratic " raw material " that it wanted cheapened). The 
distiller puts his whiskies in the warehouse as a bond for paying 
the internal tax, and when the distiller finds sale for it, the tax 
is then paid out of the proceeds of the whisky; but if exported, 
they pay nothing. When the barrel is stamped and gauged, the 
the tax (say $40 per barrel) is due ; but in order to give accom- 
modation to the distiller, the Government says: " You can pay 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 57 

the $40 when you sell it, and you can have the use of the money 
that is due on the barrel." The whisky is considered good 
security, as it is a staple article in election campaigns. If the 
above theory is not coiTect there would be no use of bonded 
warehouses. The farmers offer to pay interest but the distiller 
does not. The Government encourages the manufacture of a 
stuff to demoralize society, but refuses to give encouragement 
to the things that build and uphold it ; and to show what abuses 
grow out of the liquor system, we submit a letter which appears 
in the St. Louis Republic, Oct. 19, 1890. The paper says it 
was written by a justice of the peace at Wardensville, W. Va., 
Oct. 14; it says: ''I have seen Mr. Chas. Zepp's distillery record 
and ascertain therefrom that the last whisky taken out of bond 
at his distillery was on the 5th of June, 1890, which was all the 
whisky he had in bond except one barrel of forty-five gallons. 
That barrel was kept in the bonded warehouse, with Mr. U. S. 
Davis as storekeeper and ganger, watching it until the 30th day 
of September, 1890, a period of just one hundred days at $2 
per day. A ' right soft snap,' I would call it. There is no 
mistake as to the facts of this statement. I took it directly 
from ]Mr. Zepp's books myself." 

The above letter indicates how much respect the old parties 
have for equity, justice or honesty. A barrel of whisky bonded 
for $40.50 as revenue, and then hire a man at $2 per day to 
watch forty-five gallons of the stuff not fit for beasts, much less 
for man, and spend at least $200.00 trying to get $40.50. The 
above system is upheld and fostered by both parties. Yet they 
say, to loan money to farmers on land, cotton, etc., is uncon- 
stitutional. Where is the constitutional power to do the other? 

This Government is going to, or has loaned millions of dol- 
lars to Nicaragua State, of Central America, and takes a lein 
upon the Nicaragua Canal. Is this internal improvement? By 
what constitutional power is this authorized } Why not loan 
money to farmers.? If not, why.? 

Commerce is an outgrowth of organized society, and its 
attributes are money, transportation and public communication. 
Money to change ownership, transportation to change products 
of labor from place to place, public communication expressing 
conditions, agreements, notices concerning the same, and social 



58 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

correspondence. Governments (the people), by reason of 
organizing as such, created commerce, and on a strict control of 
it and of each and every attribute of it depends the general 
-welfare of the people. If the welfare of the people depends 
as before stated, then a delegation of the power to corporations 
to control any and all of the attributes of commerce is to put in 
them the power to decide how much or how little prosperity the 
people shall have. If the welfare of the people did not depend 
upon the system of transportation, corporations would not ask for 
its control to be delegated to them. And by reason of the peo- 
ple being compelled to patronize the railroads, the reason is found 
why corporations want to control it. If the people were not of a 
necessity compelled to use it, the incorporators would not want 
to invest in the transportation lines. And if it is a necessity 
created by the people, the reason is discovered why they ought 
to control it. The law, by virtue of its provisions, invites men 
to invest capital in banks (money), corporations, as railroads 
(transportation), telegraphs and telephones (public communi- 
cation), and then undertakes to dictate to vested rights in what 
manner he shall control his investment, or in other words, tells 
him how he must conduct his business. Why.? Because the 
law has delegated to him the prosperity of the people, and the 
law says if we do not control his vested rights he will charge 
as much rate as he pleases, and take all of the products of labor 
for freight, interest, toll charge, and soon own the whole coun- 
try. The trouble is that the law has delegated the wrong 
power. If not, why control vested rights .? 

If the delegation of the power to control money, transporta- 
tion, telegraphs and telephones to corporations, is constitutional, 
so is the entire postal system, so is the war power, and so is the 
legislative, judicial and executive powers, and so is the powers 
over treaties. If all these powers (creatures of governments) 
are delegated, where would we find ourselves.? We are in a 
distressing condition over the delegation of the first three, much 
less the delegation of all. By the first trio, distribution is per- 
formed on a robbing scale, and by the last, liberty would be 
entirely surrendered. To control vested rights in one kind of 
property means to control them in all others. Vested rights in 
anything that must be controlled by law to protect society is 



( 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 59 

vested in the wrong place. If society must be protected by law 
from the corporatiens controlling the banks, railroads, telegraph 
and telephone companies, by reason of the individuals conduct- 
ing the business necessarily given them in their articles of incor- 
poration, and supervising the vested rights, then we find that it 
is fundamentally wrong to create and delegate the things that will 
rob and abuse society, without legal interference. We are led 
to believe that, for the above reasons, there is no express power 
in the Constitution for creating a corporation; yet they escape 
through the channels of incidental powers, on the same "inci- 
dental," or uicans to an end for carrying into effect the granted 
powers of the Constitution. The war or treaty powers can 
be delegated to corporations. 

The above argument is sustained by the law of eminent do- 
main. This is taking private property for public use^ and not 
private use, or for the investment of vested rights. If the land 
be taken for public use, it does not mean for individual benefit, 
for the policy is wrong ; and principles of law that destroy one's 
vested rights in property (land), and delivers them over to an- 
other under the plea it is for public use, is without equity, and is 
purely a violation of fundamental law. The Constitution con- 
fers on Congress the power of carrying into effect each and 
every specific or incidental provision of the Constitution. It 
may adopt means to an end for them, but such means must be 
absolutely within the government, and not a delegation of the 
means. Under the system, law will require individuals to come 
into courts, or committee rooms and explain the methods, the 
amount of capital, the rates, watered stocks, dividends, and all 
about his private property, under the plea that it is public prop- 
erty or public means. The owner of the land, who was com- 
pelled to sell his home or a portion of his land to a railroad 
company for right of way, discovers that the land he formerly 
owned is used by other individuals for profit, and that the pub- 
lic has no rights in the land whatever. The idea of this kind of 
property being subject to taxation, and yet is public property, is 
simply preposterous. 

To have correct distribution of the products of labor, the 
money and lines of transportation must be absolutely controlled 
by the Government, asserting its prerogative of eminent domain 



60 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

for public use (not private), giving a just compensatioa there- 
for. The objection raised to this is the cry of throwing so much 
official patronage to the dominant party. The corporations 
desire that party supremacy that will give them aid and favors, 
and they have men to look to the business of elections and candi- 
dates. Why.? In order that their vested rights maybe pro- 
tected and favored. Under the Government system, the main 
incentive to control legislation is destroyed — vested rights. No 
candidates or elections will be looked after for this purpose. 
Self-interest incites many men. Another argument against it 
is that it is a centralizing power, and, by reason of that, the 
laborers will be coerced into voting against all policies of ,good 
government ; or, rather, for the party that gives them employ- 
ment. This is not well founded, from the fact that the greater 
portion of them are not so used, or will not be ; and if they could 
be used by men to vote any way, the time would be now. 

There is a vast difference in the centralization of power and 
the centralization of wealth. There is a certain mode laid down 
for officers to follow, and if they do not, then, perhaps, at the 
next election they are defeated. Centralized power is the 
weapon of the absolute dictator, under some forms of govern- 
ment ; but here no one is supreme, and the people decide at cer- 
tain times whether the limited powers conferred upon any offi- 
cial has been duly observed. The kind of centralized power we 
have here amounts to nothing ; but centralized wealth is the 
mischief in our Government. A strong centralized government 
is based upon wealth, being concentrated into few hands, and 
the chief magistrate is the absolute dictator of law. The people 
surely ought to be able to control and supervise the very things 
that are necessary for their existence. If they cannot, a repub- 
lican form of government is a failure, and corporations are the 
only things that seem to have ability enough to do what some 
say society cannot do. 

But the old i:)olitical parties have laid the foundation for 
controlling vested rights in railroads, so we suppose they will 
not be condemned for going far enough to absolutely dictate the 
management of all the lines of transportation. Under a govern- 
ment system of operating railroads, freight charges need only be 
great enough to pay operating expenses. We further notice 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 61 

that a company frequently goes into a receiver's hands, ap- 
pointed by the Government, under whose management the road 
seldom fails to pay from the start. 

The record of the Democratic party platforms, messages, 
speeches, reports and press, are strictly opposed to each and 
every, and severally, of all the principles laid down in the de- 
mands of the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union. 

The principles of the party can only be found in its plat- 
forms, congressional speeches and records, and not in the rank 
and file of the party ; and the person who makes the assertion 
that the principles of the two are alike, is either a simpleton or a 
dangerous voter. 

The dealing in futures or options is a species of fraud. The 
men who follow it are selling something they have not, never 
had, never expect to have, and do not want. Why.? Because 
they can make just as much money off cotton and -wheat that 
has never been raised as the farmers can off that which they do 
raise. This is absolute swindling. It controls prices, or nearly 
so, by putting, say, four hundred million bushels never raised, 
against four hundred million bushels that the farmer raises. So 
the supply is doubled on the market, against a given number of 
dollars, and, as a result, prices shrink one-half, and dealers in 
options steal one-half of what the farmers' sweat and hard toil 
produces. The Louisiana Lottery was virtually suppressed be- 
cause it was a species of gambling off of labor for future pro- 
ceeds ; and for the same reason dealing in options should be sup- 
pressed, to-wit: "dealing for future proceeds." The option 
is many times more derogatory, and absolutely life-destroying, 
than the lottery. Why not suppress both ? The reason is, that 
it is not the kind of natural competition the Democratic party 
wanted, but is just what the party is for. 

The party is in favor: Of National Banks issuing and con- 
trolling the paper currency ; in favor of the robbing specie- 
basis system ; in favor of issuing endless bonds to retire over 
three hundred and forty-six millions of legal tender; in favor of 
exempting the bonds for taxation ; in favor of issuing 10 per 
cent, more bank notes on the bonds; in favor of making the 
bank notes a legal tender ; in favor of the suspension of the sil- 
ver dollar, and says it is only worth 79 cents (record is the pri- 



62 ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

mary evidence, and the best) ; in favor of the corporations con- 
trolling each and every avenue of commerce ; in favor of option 
dealing; in favor of a small amount of circulating medium; it 
is not in favor of land loans, but is in favor of whisky loans ; it 
is not in favor of a graduated income tax; in favor of a pro- 
tective tariff (if it has any position on it) ; in favor of granting 
special privileges to the money power, by depositing public 
money in banks as fixed balances ; in favor of paying premiums 
on bonds to get to buy them (and no positive sanction of law to 
pay it out for that purpose) ; and in favor of anything that the 
corporations, money power and protected industries want, in 
order to have their support in campaigns. We submit the de- 
mands of the Alliance, to show what it demands and are op- 
posed in each by the old parties. The Ocala national meeting 
adopted the following resolution unanimously (by Tennessee 
explaining its three votes) : 

1. Resolved, That this National Convention of the Farmers Alliance 
and Industrial Union do hereby most earnestly and emphatically endorse 
the St. Louis platform adopted last December, and with equal sincerity 
and persistency demand that all subordinate bodies connected with this 
organization shall not only align themselves therewith, but co-operate 
with this national organization and sustain the same. 

la. We demand the abolition of National Banks. 

d. We demand that the government shall establish sub-treasuries or 
depositories in the several States, which shall loan money direct to the 
people at a low rate of interest, not to exceed two per cent, per annum, 
on non-perishable farm products, and also upon real estate, with proper 
limitations upon the quantity of land and amount of money. 

c. We demand that the amount of the circulating medium be 
speedily increased to not less than $50 per capita. 

2. That we demand that Congress shall pass such laws as will effect- 
ually prevent the dealing in futures of all agricultural and mechanical 
productions; providing a stringent system of procedure in trials that will 
secure the prompt conviction, and imposing such penalties as shall 
secure the most perfect compliance with the law. 

Adopted. 

3. We condemn the silver bill recently passed by Congress, and' 
demand in lieu thereof the free and unlimited coinage of silver. 

Adopted. 

4. We demand the passage of laws prohibiting alien ownership of 
land, and that Congress take prompt action to devise some plan to obtain 
all lands now owned by aliens and foreign syndicates; and that all lands 
now held by railroads and other corporations in excess of such as is act- 



ECHOES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 63 

ually used and needed by them be reclaimed by the Government, and 
held by actual settlers only. 
Adopted. 

5. Believing in the doctrine of equal rights to all and special privi- 
leges to none, we demand — 

a. That our national legislation shall be so framed in the future as 
not to build up one industry at the expense of another. 

3. We further demand a removal of the existing heavy tariff tax from 
the necessities of life, that the poor of our land must have. 

c. We further demand a just and equitable system of graduated tax 
on incomes. 

d. We believe that the money of the country should be kept as much 
as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand that all 
national and State revenues shall be limited to the necessary expenses of 
the Government economically and honestly administered. 

Adopted. 

6. We demand the most rigid, honest and just State and national 
governmental control and supervision of the means of public communi- 
cation and transportation, and if this control and supervision does not 
remove the abuse now existing, we demand the government ownership of 
such means of communication and transportation. 

7. We demand that the Congress of the United States submit an 
amendment to the Constitution providing for the election of United 
States Senators by direct vote of the people of each State. 

Adopted. 

Moved, by Brother Livingston, that the report be adopted as a whole. 

Carried. 

We were requested in Mr. Hambaugh's second letter writ- 
ten to the author, to point out the difference between the 
demands of the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union 
and the Democratic party. We think we have done it, 
and more, by showing that the Democratic party of to-day has 
no defined principles of governmental policy in its platform, 
07i/y projection to the manufacturing industries ; and that the 
Democratic and Republican parties are alike, and opposed to 
all of the demands of the Alliance. All quotations from plat- 
forms are from National Platforms , adopted in National Con- 
vention. 

Individuals cannot be forced to reform, and individuals lead 
political parties, dictate platforms, manipulate conventions and 
nominations; and if the leaders of a political party are corrupt, 
the political party cannot reform. It takes a new party to cor- 
rect these evils, and I am going with it. 



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